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JOSEPH DENIEFFE 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE 



OF THE 



in 





GIVING A FAITHFUL REPORT OF THE 



PRINCIPAL EVENTS FROM 1855 to 1867 



WRITTEN, AT THE REQUEST OF FRIENDS, 



BY JOSEPH DENIEFFE, 



To which is added, in corroboration, an Appendix con- 
taining Important Letters and Papers written by James 
Stephens, John O'Mahony, John Mitchel, Thomas J. 
Kelly and other Leaders of the Movement. 



NEW YORK: 

THE GAEL PUBLISHING CO., 

H9 NASSAU STREET, 

190fi. 



d)4 



denieffe's recollections were printed 
serially in the gael (s. j. richardson, 
editor and publisher), new york, 1904. 



P.afl. 4j 



ILLUSTRATIONS. 



Joseph Denieffe Frontispiece 

Colonel Michael Doheny vi 

John Haltigan 8 

James Stephens 1G, 127 

Patrick O'Roubke 19 

Captain Michael Corcoran 21 

O'Donovan Rossa 35 

Thomas Clarke Luby 42 

Dr. Denis Dowling Mulcaiiy 47 

John O'Leary 49, 105 

Edward Duffy 57 

Hugh F. Brophy 59 

Colonel John O'Mahony Gl 

Terence Bellew McManus 64 

John Devoy 7G 

Dr. Mulcahy, Thomas Clarke Luby and John O'Leary. . 82 

Charles J. Kickham 83, 180 

Daniel H. Gleason 85 

Colonel Thomas J. Kelly 92 

Patrick J. Meehan 97 

P. W. Dunne 100 

John J. Breslin 117 

James Haltigan 119 

John Flood 125 

Miss Ellen O'Leary 131 

Colonel William R. Rorerts 138 

Patrick Lennon 142 

James and John O'Connor 152 

Michael Breslin 154 

Nial Breslin 156 

John Mitchel 202 

Brigadier-General T. W. Sweeny, U. S. A 2G7 

General Michael Kerwin, U. S. A 281 



INTRODUCTION. 

HP HE years between 1855 and 1867 cover a period 

■*■ of Irish history which has been much misrepre- 
sented by current English writers and those who 
seek to justify England in her course in Ire- 
land. We think it is time now that the whole truth 
should be told, and justice done to the memory of those 
brave and sincere patriots who took up Ireland's cause 
at a time when everything looked dark and hopeless. 

At the time the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood was 
founded in Ireland the country was after passing through 
a most terrible ordeal. During the ten years from 1845 
to 1855 she lost over two millions of her population, more 
than half of whom were killed by a manufactured famine, 
while the rest were reduced to the direst poverty, with 
the emigrant ship and the poor house staring them in the 
face. 

On April 9, 1855, Archdeacon Fitzgerald, a patriotic 
priest, wrote to Gavan Duffy that all hope for the poor of 
Ireland was dead, and the latter, who was about to quit 
Ireland in despair, thus wrote in his farewell address : — 

"It may be thought I despair too soon of the present 
time. If there be any who honestly think so, let them 
try to do better, and may God prosper them. For me, I 
have tried. For seven years I have kept the green flag 
flying alone or with but a handful of friends ; for twice 
seven years I have thought, written and acted to one sole 
end. In these five years I have been five times prose- 
cuted by the English Government, and wasted thirteen 
months of my life in English prisons. I have 'spent 
and been spent' cheerfully in fortune, health, peace, 
the duties of home and the rights of my children ; always 
in exhausting personal conflict with a hired press and all 
who lived, or hope to live, by corruption. It may be the 
result is small and I am an unprofitable servant, but I have 
done my best." 



iv INTRODUCTION. 

The author of our history. Air. Joseph Denieffe, a na- 
tive of the City of Kilkenny, was then a resident of 
New York, and a member of the Emmet Monument 
Association. He was called to Ireland by the serious 
illness of his father, and on the eve of his departure 
was given a commission to found the organization in 
that country. 

It is here Mr. Denieffe takes up his narrative, and 
from that time until 1867— when all hope was tem- 
porarily abandoned — he took a leading part in the 
movement, and was twice sent as a delegate to this 
country by the men in Ireland. He is, therefore, in a 
position to speak with authority on the subject of 
which he writes. He was always in close touch with 
James Stephens, the Chief Organizer of the Irish 
Revolutionary Brotherhood, and his place of business 
in Dublin was for many years the headquarters of the 
Organization. He was one of its most useful, loyal and 
enthusiastic workers ; nothing was done or contem- 
plated without his knowledge and counsel. His story 
is a graphic "inside" history of the movement, and can 
be accepted as the exact truth. 

Of all men now living Mr. Denieffe is the most com- 
petent to deal with the events which transpired in Ireland 
between 1855 and 1867. He does not claim to be a great 
writer or a possessor of literary style, but he tells his 
story in a clear and entertaining manner, while sincerity 
and truth are stamped on every line. 

Mr. Denieffe is now a resident of Chicago. During 
his long life he has devoted himself to the betterment of 
his people, and has made many sacrifices in their behalf. 
He has been through the fire and not found wanting, and 
well deserves the repose and honor due a good and faithful 
servant. 

In order that our readers may clearly understand the 
graphic story told by Mr. Denieffe, we deem it advis- 
able to give a brief review of Irish affairs in America 
previous to his time, and of the events which gradually 
led up to and finally crystallized into the most power- 
ful secret revolutionary society that ever existed. 

After the abortive rising in '48 whatever opinions 



INTRODUCTION. v 

were entertained regarding the cause of the sudden, 
and to Americans, inexplicable, collapse and failure 
which took place in Ireland, it was pretty generally 
recognized and conceded that it was mainly owing to 
a lack of military knowledge in those engaged in the 
revolutionary movement. The Irish peasantry had 
been led into revolt without arms or military training 
or even a commissariat. Their leaders, without ma- 
terial means or scientific knowledge, had failed to 
provide these indispensable requirements to a success- 
ful rising, and in consequence, the insurrection became 
a dismal failure. 

While preparations for the '48 revolt were yet being 
made in Ireland, a military organization known as 
"The Irish Republican Union" had been set on foot in 
New York by a few sterling Irish patriots, chief among 
whom were Michael Phelan, James F. Markey and 
John G. Fay, all well-known citizens at that time. Mr. 
Phelan financed the organization and to his energy and 
liberality the rapid progress made by the new organi- 
zation was mainly due. To Mr. Markey belonged the 
honor of raising and disciplining the first military 
company for this new organization. It was the first 
military body organized in America for Irish Revolu- 
tionary purposes. It was called the "Irish Fusileers," 
and subsequently became the Mitchell Guards, Co. C, 
9th Regiment, New York State Militia. Mr. John G. 
Fay w r as an active worker in the movement and be- 
came Adjutant of the organization. 

Towards the close of 1849, the Irish Republican 
Union was organized into companies according to ac- 
cepted military regulations and was regularly officered 
preparatory to its becoming incorporated into the New 
York State Militia. Michael Doheny, who had fled 
from Ireland the year before, was elected captain of 
one of these companies. In May, 1850, the Irish mili- 
tary organization was formally admitted into the ser- 
vice of the State and thenceforth became known as the 
Ninth Regiment, N. Y. S. M. The military spirit 
evoked among Irish-born citizens of New York by the 
appearance of a State regiment wearing their "immor- 



vi INTRODUCTION. 

tal green" on St. Patrick's Day, 1851, soon led to the 
formation of a second Irish Regiment, the "Sixty- 
ninth." Col. Charles S. Roe was its first commander, and 
Michael Doheny was Lieutenant Colonel, which position 
he held until November, 1853, when he resigned. He 
subsequently became Colonel of the "Seventy-fifth" 
(or Irish Rifles), the third Irish regiment incorporated 
into the State Militia. 




COLONEL MICHAEL DOHENY. 



The most fame came to the Sixty-ninth through its first 
war colonel, Michael Corcoran. At the outbreak of the 
Civil War it was the most talked about regiment in the 
United States. Colonel Corcoran had been ordered to 
parade the regiment in honor of the visit of the young 
Prince of Wales, now King Edward, of England. The 
regiment was then as distinctively and pronouncedly Irish 
in its organization as at any time in its history. Cor- 
coran flatly refused. He was placed under arrest and 



INTRODUCTION. vii 

relieved from command. Charges were preferred 
against him for disobedience of orders, insubordination 
and disrespect to superiors. A court martial was or- 
dered, but pending its first sitting Fort Sumter was 
fired on and President Lincoln made his first call for 
troops. Horace Greeley, Richard O'Gorman and others 
interceded with Governor Morgan, pointing out that 
the regiment was needed to defend Washington, and 
the charges were dismissed. Colonel Corcoran was re- 
stored to the command and the regiment was at once sent 
to the front. 

No regiment of the militia acquitted itself with more 
honor in the Civil War than the Sixty-ninth. It was 
cut up and recruited eight different times. Three regi- 
ments were in the war as representatives of the Sixty- 
ninth. These were the original Sixty-ninth militia, 
another Sixty-ninth which became part of the Irish bri- 
gade and a third made up after the other two had gone 
into the field and been cut to pieces. 

At the close of the war Colonel Corcoran was thrown 
from a horse and killed. He had ridden down to a sta- 
tion near Washington to see General Meagher off for 
the North. He rode Meagher's horse back. The gen- 
eral was a fine horseman and had spirited animals. 
Corcoran was not used to such a horse, and the ani- 
mal ran away, throwing his rider. 

Towards the close of 1853, the certainty of England 
becoming involved in a war with Russia filled the 
hearts of Irish Nationalists in America with hope ; 
and the arrival of John Mitchell and John O'Mahony 
about the same time gave fresh impulse to the existing 
Irish military organizations and soon led to the forma- 
tion of another — a secret military organization, which 
was called into existence for the special purpose of 
preparing for the opportunity which all expected would 
be soon afforded them. 

This new revolutionary society was known as the 
"Emmet Monument Association," and was ostensibly 
organized for the purpose of erecting a monument to 
Robert Emmet. According to tradition, no monument 
can be erected to Emmet "until Ireland a nation can 



viii INTRODUCTION. 

build him a tomb," therefore, the work of the Emmet 
Monument Association presupposed the freedom of 
Ireland as a necessary preliminary. 

The new organization spread rapidly until it num- 
bered within its ranks the greater portion of the or- 
ganized Irish Nationalists throughout the chief cities 
of the Union. 

Its leaders entered into confidential relations with 
the representatives of Russia at Washington and New 
York as other Irish leaders of the present day have 
done within the past few months — a case of history 
repeating itself. 

The representatives of the Emmet Monument Asso- 
ciation apparently satisfied the Russian gentlemen of 
the power and influence of the Irish element in Amer- 
ica and of the expediency of Russia's aiding their pro- 
ject of creating a revolution in Ireland and thus 
striking at the British Empire in its most vital part, 
so that the Consul held out to them the strongest 
hopes of their obtaining from the Russian Government 
all the material aid they required — namely, the means 
of fitting out an armed expedition for Ireland. 

The muster-roll of one of the companies composing 
"The Emmet Monument Association" is still in ex- 
istence. It is dated exactly fifty years ago and few of 
its members are now alive. There were one hundred 
men and two officers in the company. In order that 
their names may be preserved and handed down the 
muster-roll is given herewith. 

"THE EDWARD FITZGERALD GUARD." 

Organized April 7TH, 1854. 

Captain — John O'Mahony. 

First Lieutenant — Michael F. Nagle. 

John Barnade. John D. Hughes. Mich. O'Boyle. 

Michael Barry. Peter Ivory. W. O'Callaghan. 

C. Boobidge. Chas. J. Jackson. Pat. O'Donnell. 

James Boyd. F. A. Jackson. Thos. O'Higgins. 

Denis Brown. Charles Jones. Owen O'Neill. 



INTRODUCTION. 



Edward Brown. 
R. J. Brown. 
Thomas Burke. 
Edw. K. Butler. 
John C. Byrne. 
Patrick Carr. 
B. J. Casey. 
James Connor. 
Joseph Corlies. 
Andrew Cullem. 
Edw. Cummins. 
John Curry. 
William Curry. 
Owen Dermody. 



Rich. O'Neill. 
Chas. O'Reilly. 
F. O'Ryan. 
P. O'Ryan. 
H. S. Persse. 
M. H. Power. 
W. F. Power. 
Edward Price. 
Michael Price. 



T. H. Kelly. 

M. A. Kelly. 

Louis Kenyon. 

Wm. E. Lalor. 

James Lanigan. 

Thomas Leddy. 

John C. Lynch. 

Patrick Lynch. 

Thomas Lynch. 

Frederick Lyster. Philip Reid. 

John McAllister. Jas. Riordan. 

Chas. McCarthy. Michael Ryan. 

H. McConnell. Patrick Ryan. 

P. Mclntyre. Edw. F. Sinnott. 

William Dooley. J. W. McManus. Wm. T. Sinnott. 
John Duane. J. McNamara. Edward Sisk. 

W.S.McNamara. James Skehan. 

William Maynes. Michael Skehan. 

Pat. J. Meehan. William Tierney. 

Samuel Mitchell. L. Verdon. 

Michael Mullin. 

B. P. Murphy. 

C. Murphy. 
John Geoghegan. Edw. Murphy. 
Michael Hannon. Patrick Murphy. William Walsh. 
David Hinds. Richard Murphy. John Warren. 
Patrick Hogan. Wm. Murphy. Edward White. 
Bryan Holland. Peter Murray. 

Dan'l S. Howley. Rich. J. Nagle. 

For various reasons the help promised by Russia 
never materialized ; delay and proscrastination seemed 
to be the rule until finally the Crimean war came to an 
unexpected close, thereby ending all hopes of assist- 
ance from their new ally. At this juncture it was 
deemed expedient by the directors of the E. M. A. to 
formally dissolve the association and release the mem- 
bers from their pledges. Before this course was taken, 
however, they took the precaution of first forming a 
permanent committee, consisting of thirteen men. rep- 
resentatives of the several divisions of the society. This 
committee was empowered to resuscitate the organiza- 



S. Fannon. 
Francis Farrell. 
James Farrell. 
John G. Fay. 
John C. Foley. 
Pat. Gallagher. 
Peter Gaughran. 



Maurice Wall. 
Patrick J. Wall. 
J. S. Walsh. 
Michael Walsh. 



x INTRODUCTION. 

tion whenever they deemed the proper time had come 
for taking such a step. 

It may be remarked here that when the Emmet 
Monument Association was in existence there were 
more armed, disciplined and determined Irishmen in 
New York pledged to the cause of Ireland's freedom 
than there have been at any time since. 

After an interregnum of two years, the ever watch- 
ful patriots composing the committee came to the con- 
clusion that the time had again arrived for renewing 
preparations for an Irish revolutionary movement on 
a large scale and accordingly summoned the members 
of the E. M. A., and from its members commenced 
the formation of a new organization, which they des- 
ignated the Fenian Brotherhood. 

Mr. Denieffe joined the Emmet Monument Asso- 
ciation in 1855, while hope for Ireland was still strong 
on account of the European war. He spread the or- 
ganization in Ireland on the same basis as it existed in 
America until the arrival of James Stephens, when, on 
St. Patrick's Day, 1858, the Irish Revolutionary 
Brotherhood was launched into existence, the old or- 
ganization being incorporated and continuing under the 
new name. editor the gael. 



RECOLLECTIONS OF THE 

IRISH 

REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



RECOLLECTIONS 

OF THE 

IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



CHAPTER I. 

EARLY in June, 1855, the Emmet Monument Associa- 
tion of New York was steadily organizing, and its 
members were drilling once a week. The object 
of the Association was the invasion and freedom of Ire- 
land. Only those were admitted to membership who 
were free from family obligations, such as having a wife, 
mother, or others, depending upon them for support. 
Each and every member should be ready to serve at a 
moment's notice. This was the organization from which 
sprung, a few years later, the great Fenian Brotherhood. 
Michael Doheny (1), John O'Mahony and other ex- 
iles of the Forty-eight movement were its organizers. 
As soon as I became aware of its existence I spoke con- 
cerning it to my friend, Patrick Mackey, also a Forty 
eight man, who had been a student in St. Kyran's Co/ 
lege, Kilkenny, preparing for the priesthood at that 
time. After the failure at Ballingarry, in which he was 
engaged, he was obliged to leave Ireland and go to the 

(1) Michael Doheny and John O'Mahony made good their 
escape from Ireland after Smith O'Brien failed in his efforts 
to create a revolution. The latter was captured, sentenced to 
be hanged, drawn and quartered, but his sentence was com- 
muted to exile for life in Tasmania. After serving five years 
he was pardoned and allowed to return to Ireland. 

Michael Doheny was a lawyer in New York, a Colonel of 



2 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

United States. His family, selling out their property, 
followed him. He was a particular friend of mine. 

I suggested that we join the organization, and it was 
arranged that I should join first, and inform him if there 
was an oath or any obligation which would prevent him 
from joining, as he had some conscientious scruples in 
that regard. In that case I could let him know when 
the invasion was to take place, when he would join us as 
a volunteer. 

I became a member of the Association, but found I 
could give no information to my friend. It was the old 
story of the man joining the Free Masons. If his friends 
wanted to know anything of the order they would have to 
become Masons themselves. 

About this time I received a letter from home, informing 
me of my father's illness, his death being expected at any 
moment. This letter, written by my youngest brother, 
was very brief, and showed signs of deep sorrow. I im- 
mediately went to my employer, Mr. Wm. H. Stewart, 
then under the St. Nicholas Hotel, Broadway, and showed 
him the letter. I told him I wished to leave for home at 



one of the Irish regiments, and was sent as delegate to Ireland 
with the remains of Terence Bellew McManus. He was an 
orator of great ability and was the author of "The Felon's 
Track," a book descriptive of his escape from Ireland, and a 
"History of the American Revolution." He died in New York 
in 1861. 

John O'Mahony, after '48, escaped to France and lived there 
for two years with James Stephens. It was during this period 
that they formed the plan of creating a great organization, 
with branches in Ireland and America, for the liberation of Ire- 
land, Stephens agreeing to take charge in Ireland and O'Ma- 
hony in America. In 185G, after the Crimean War was over, the 
Emmet Monument Association was allowed to wane, but out of 
its remains, two years later, was organized the Fenian Brother- 
hood, which rapidly grew in numbers and influence. John 
O'Mahony was its Head Centre or Chief Executive. He was 
also Colonel of the Ninety-ninth New York Volunteers during 
the Civil W'ar, was editor of the Irish People Newspaper and 
Sunday Citizen, and translated Keating's History of Ireland 
from the Irish. He died in New York in 1S77. His body was 
taken to Ireland for interment and his funeral, like that of 
T. B. McManus, was made the occasion of a great national 
demonstration. He rests in Glasnevin Cemetery, Dublin, 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 3 

once, and asked him to excuse me for leaving on so short 
a notice. 

"It is hard on both of us," said he. "I don't like you 
to leave, but hope you will soon return and report to me." 

At this time travelling by steam was very expensive, but 
there were some fast sailing clipper ships, boats that made 
the passage inside of eighteen days. I engaged passage 
on one of these, the "Emerald Isle," belonging to the Tap- 
scot Line. I met in the office of the Company a Dublin 
friend I knew very well, who was going across on a dif- 
ferent purpose to mine. He was going to be married. 

After securing my passage I went to see Col. Doheny, 
told him of my unexpected departure, and asked him who 
I was to report to on the other side. "We have no one 
there as yet," he replied. "So we give you carte blanche 
to do what you can for the organization and yourself." 

I was amazed at this announcement, as I understood a 
descent was to be made on Ireland early in the following 
September. John O'Mahony was present, as was also 
James Roche, formerly editor of the Kilkenny Journal. 

I asked what time or date could I announce to any 
friends I might organize as the time they expected to 
move on Ireland. 

"You may assure them," was the reply, "the time will 
be September. We have thirty thousand men ready now, 
and all we need is money, and arrangements are under 
way to provide it. We propose to issue bonds and some 
of the wealthiest men of our race are willing to take 
them." 

That was my commission, and I went with a cheerful 
heart, although I had no one in Ireland to report to. Oh, 
what a charming period is youth, when nothing seems im- 
possible. 

Next morning I met my Dublin friend at Tapscott's 
Office, and two others with him, one of whom was going 
across to receive a legacy left to him by his father, in 
Kingstown. The other would like to come, but had no 
money ; he was expecting some every day. He, like his 
friend, had also fallen in for some property, and was de- 
sirous to be with us. We arranged that he could also 



4 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE / 

We had plenty of everything necessary for a long voy- 
age — given us by friends. Tom, my first acquaintance, 
had three cases of wine, given by his employers, besides 
some more potent beverage, and I was also well supplied. 
After some hand shaking and other manifestations of af- 
fection by our friends, we got on board, and sailed out of 
New York Bay. 

It never looked so beautiful to me as it did on that day. 
There was not a cloud to be seen in the sky. A good 
stiff breeze in our stern, which caught us after passing 
Sandy Hook, kept up all the way across until we came 
abreast of Cape Clear. The whole passage was pleas- 
ant, and nothing occurred to mar our enjoyment. There 
were but few passengers, all of them belonging to the 
middle class, excepting one, who was constantly in the 
company of the Captain. 

After the first day was passed all became pretty well 
acquainted, and seemed as if they had known each other 
for a lifetime. We were all of the same race, without a 
single exception. Tom became a great favorite. It was 
he who started all our amusements, and when any one felt 
down hearted, or was thinking too deeply, he would stir 
them up. If he found them too gloomy he would take 
them to our quarters and give them some solace. 

During the trip an interesting event took place which 
to some was very amusing, and which after those most 
concerned were well and out of danger brought consola- 
tion to the one most interested. A lady was confined 
and gave birth to a fine boy. It was the intention of the 
father to have him born in Ireland. The poor dear 
woman felt disappointed and could not account for it : 
she looked as if she accused herself of some mistake, and 
couldn't get over it. However, as soon as the condition 
of her ladyship permitted a visit from the quartet it was 
made. We congratulated her on her good luck, and how 
providential it was that the boy was born on the "Emerald 
Isle." We had an impromptu christening. As the boy 
was strong and healthy we had no formal baptism, but 
every feature of the ceremony was duly celebrated and 
observed with respect and decorum. Thus the time was 
passed. How it flew over us ! 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. g 

On the seventeenth day, about 4 o'clock in the morning, 
we heard the watch call out "Land ahead." Tom jumped 
into his clothes and was on deck in a few minutes. He 
soon came tumbling down the companion ladder shouting, 
"Boys, we are in sight of Cape Clear!" We all got into 
our clothes as soon as we could. Tom, bringing the last 
bottle of champagne, mounted on deck. The Captain and 
his friend were already there. Tom broached the bottle, 
filled the cup and with eyes full of gladness drank to the 
land of his love. All followed, each in turn repeating 
the sentiment in raptures of thanksgiving. The Captain 
and his friend approached us, and complimented us in 
very nice terms ; he wished he had on every voyage 
four passengers who took such an interest in making 
others happy. 

Very soon we came abreast of the Old Head of Kinsale, 
and steered down channel. What a day to me! We 
kept close to the land all the way to the County Water- 
ford. We could see the green fields and the people mov- 
ing along. The hills, so sacred to Irishmen, were smil- 
ing a welcome to us. We gradually lost sight of them, 
as we made for Liverpool. 

We arrived in Liverpool the next day, and after some 
delay passed the Custom House. We found we had a 
few hours to spend before our boat left for Ireland, so 
we took a stroll through the city, seeing nothing worthy 
of notice, except the docks, which are very extensive. 

We were glad when the time arrived to get on board 
our boat, which we did in the nick of time. When we 
entered the cabin we were surprised to find our friend, 
the Captain's companion, sitting alone awaiting supper, 
which he had ordered. 

As soon as he saw us he beckoned us to him, shook 
hands and ordered supper for all, insisting that we should 
be his guests for the evening. 

He was evidently glad to see us, and later told us of an 
experience with a Customs Officer. 

While in the Custom House his trunks and mine lay 
close together. He was apparently in haste to get away, 
and hailed one of the inspectors who was standing a little 
way off, and asked him to pass his traps. One of these 



6 \ PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

was a square, seafaring chest, on which lay a sovereign, 
which the inspector put in his pocket. He put his official 
mark on each of the trunks, did the same to mine and we 
passed out. "You saw that sea chest," said he. "It is 
full to the lid with plug tobacco.'' Beating a British 
Custom House he thought was an act to be commended. 
In this case we heartily agreed with him. He then told 
us that this was his first visit to Ireland, since he left it r 
a boy, from Youghall, County Waterford, for America, 
where he spent his years coasting around South America, 
Mexico and the United States. He did not expect to 
meet any one he knew on his return, as he had not heard 
from any of his friends for many years. 

We spent the night pleasantly, and arrived at the North 
Wall in due time, where we put our friend in a cab, 
and directed the jarvey to take him to the Shelburne 
Hotel, where the proprietor, Martin Burke, would give 
him all the information needed during his stay in Dublin. 

We wended our way to Terry McCabe's, near Carlisle 
Bridge, where Tom was well known. I would have gone 
direct to Kilkenny, but could not get away from Tom. He 
wanted me to see his father and his best girl, so I con- 
cluded to stay over night with him. He didn't care to 
go home right away, so we went to the Theatre Royal, in 
Hawkins street. We took seats in the pit, close to the 
orchestra. Between the first piece and the last the or- 
chestra struck up "God Save the Queen." All took off 
their hats in that part of the house. I did not understand 
the thing, and did not remove mine. All around me 
shouted, "Take your hat off!'' I paid no attention to 
them. One fellow near me said if I didn't he would re- 
move it. He made an attempt, and I knocked him over 
a seat. Immediately the gods on the top gallery shouted, 
"Bravo," "Jump on him," etc. All was turmoil in a mo- 
ment. I was ordered out. "I will go," I said, "but 
hope the next time I come I shall not be annoyed with this 
anthem, as you are pleased to call it. I call it an insult 
to the Irish people, who have not as yet become slaves." 
I must say the majority of those present were on my 
side. 

We got home safely to our hotel. Next morning be- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD 7 

fore we got out of bed, Tom's lather, hearing of his arri- 
val, called and after some greeting and scolding took us 
to his house for breakfast. After a little while we went 
to see Tom's fiancee and friends. I was obliged to spend 
another night in Dublin. 

Next day, Sunday, I left for home, and arrived in 
Kilkenny at Q o'clock in the evening. Although a fine 
bright night, very few people were at the depot. I passed 
through John street and over the bridge, which commands 
such a fine view of Ormond Castle, and on through the 
centre of the city, which appeared to me to be deserted. I 
met but one or two persons, until I reached my father's 
residence. I found my father, recovered from his illness, 
had retired for the night. My mother and two sisters 
were sitting together when I was admitted. They did 
not know me, nor I them. Five years had elapsed since 
I left them, and the changes that had taken place in that 
short time baffled us. I did not at once make myself 
known, but said I was a friend of Joe's (myself), and 
called, according to promise, to see them. While telling 
them how he was, etc., I could not but admire their affec- 
tionate interest. Their anxious eyes told how each of 
them felt. When I declared myself, the maternal feelings 
gave way, in the joy of the moment. My father came 
down stairs half dressed to add to the already strained 
emotions of the group. In a few minutes the room was 
filled with our neighbors, who flocked in to greet and wel- 
come me, amongst them a dear friend and classmate, 
John Kavanagh. After a time, when greetings had been 
exchanged, questions asked and answered, and all had 
become calm and cool, John and I started out to take a* 
stroll, and see some old places dear to both of us. Even 
at night I could see that a change for the worse had come 
over the little town. The woolen mills that were work- 
ing when I left home were all closed up and deserted, 
gloom and sadness prevailed all over; no improvements, 
everything seemed going to the dogs ! 

Within a day or two I called on John Haltigan, at the 
"Journal" Office, who, next to Dr. Cane, was then one of 
the most popular men of the city, and was foreman in 
the printing department of that paper. After making ar- 



8 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

rangements to meet him that evening at his house, where 
we could talk with more privacy and without interruption, 
I left him, pleased with our interview. 




JOHN HALTIGAN 
Foreman Printer "Irish People" N 



ewspaper. 

We met accordingly, and talked matters over. He was 
enraptured with the prospects ahead, as he considered 
that everything was going from bad to worse, and some- 
thing must be done to check the impending destruction of 
our people. We got together all the intelligent young 
men that we knew, and in a few weeks had all we desired 
for the present. 

Haltigan at this time was in good circumstances, and 
had a nice little farm on the borders of the town. His 
wife, like himself, was a good, sincere Nationalist, whose 
counsel infused prudence and courage into many. He 
had two fine greyhounds, and we went hunting every 
Sundav to the Tullaburn Mountains, where he knew a 



IRTSTT REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. g 

great many men of the right stamp, all of whom he 
initiated into our movement, (i) 

There was another fertile spot in the southern part of 
the county where friend Haltigan was well known, the old 
town of Callan, almost under the shadow of Slievenamon. 
We arranged to pay a visit to this burg on the following 
Sunday. On our arrival we were met at the Bridge by 
Edward Coyne and James Cody. Coyne was the most 
popular young man in the town, and Cody, who was a 
draper, had many friends in the adjoining section and in 
the County Tipperary. Both were genial, hearty men. 
After hearing our message, both rejoiced at having some- 
thing to do to which they could give their hearts and all 
their energies to work out. The conversation of the after- 
noon showed they were well aware of the state of the 
country — business crushed, industry paralyzed, not a ray 
of hope around. Apathy, and the continuous flight of the 
best bone and sinew of our race to the Emigrant Ship 
were becoming a settled conclusion in all minds. No 
effort was being made to avert the impending desolation 
that must follow. The poorhouse was the only last refuge 
in sight for those who couldn't get away. The excessive 
taxes extorted from the poor farmers and other taxpayers 
reduced them to a condition that left them no choice be- 
tween becoming inmates of those institutions or the Emi- 
grant Ship. Such were the logical deductions made 
from the policy that prevailed all over Ireland. 

(1) John Haltigan was afterward made foreman of the Irish 
People newspaper, the official organ in Dublin of the Irish 
Revolutionary Brotherhood. On its seizure and suppression he 
was arrested and sentenced to seven years' penal servitude, 
after serving four of which in Pentonville and Portland prisons, 
England, he was pardoned, completely broken down in health. 
He came to New York in 1873 and acted as foreman printer 
for his son, James, who was then editor and publisher of the 
Sunday Citizen, and who afterward founded the Celtic 
Monthly. He returned To Ireland in 1S77 and died in the City 
of Cork in 1884. He was taken to his native city for interment, 
his funeral being attended by thousands of his fellow-country- 
men. A beautiful Celtic cross, erected to his memory by his 
fellow citizens, marks his grave in St. Patrick's churchyard. 
Kilkenny. Patrick J. Haltigan, editor and publisher of the 
National Hibernian, Washington, D. C, is his youngest son. 



io A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

We were delighted in finding two men who so thor- 
oughly understood the situation, and were ready to stake 
their lives to do away with such a state of things. Peti- 
tions and remonstrances had been scoffed at and thrown 
aside. It was time we should work with a will, with all 
our might, night and day, and unite the manhood of our 
race for one grand struggle, and be done with it. Senti- 
ments like these took possession of us and filled us with 
hope, as we wended our way back to the city, confident 
that Callan was in good hands. 

We did not meet the poet, John Locke, on this trip, 
nor Heffernan Dunne, the nailor, but were glad to hear 
afterwards that both were afield in the good work. Later 
on those men distinguished themselves. Heffernan 
Dunne, in pure derision of parliamentary agitation, ran 
for Member of Parliament, while Locke won world-wide 
fame as a National poet. 

Our next move was to get into communication with the 
men in Dublin, of whom Haltigan knew the address of 
but one, a Mr. Farrell, a master chimney-sweep. We ar- 
ranged that I should go next day and find them. 

I started accordingly for Dublin, and in due time found 
Mr. Farrell's place. He was not in, however, but his 
wife expected him to dinner every minute. She made 
me await his coming. 

He came punctually at the noon hour, just from his 
work, as black and sooty as a man could well be. 

I told him my errand, which was to procure through 
him an introduction to the leading Nationalists of Dublin. 
"As soon as I eat a morsel," he said, "and change my 
clothes I will go with you." After his meal he was going 
to dress himself, but I objected, as he was going back to 
work again. I told him his garb made no difference to 
me if it didn't to himself. He laughed and we left his 
place. 

After a short walk we arrived in Lombard street, and 
stopped at a lumber yard, well stocked with articles of 
manufacture for building purposes. I was introduced 
to a sunny- faced, good-looking man, the proprietor, Mr. 
Peter Langan. I handed him a note from Mr. Haltigan. 
Mr. Farrell took his departure and left us together. 



TRTSTT REVOLUTIONARY r.ROTTTERITOOD. n 

After he had read the note of introduction, I told him 
my business and all the particulars relating to it. He was 
surprised, but rejoiced, and said if I would remain that 
evening - in Dublin, he would send for a few friends, who 
would be glad to meet me. I agreed to do so. 

At eight that evening I attended a meeting of National- 
ists and tried friends of Ireland, who had been called to- 
gether by Peter Langan for the purpose of hearing what 
I had to communicate. They were surprised and pleased 
to learn how far the movement had advanced in America, 
and readily promised to assist and co-operate with the 
American organization. 

At that meeting I first met Garrett O'Shaugh- 
nessy (2), whom I shall have occasion to mention 
again as I go along. He died about ten years ago. I 
also met Philip Grey there for the first time. He was 
one of the tried and trusted men of '48 and a confidant 
of Smith O'Brien. He was a bookkeeper by profession 
and held a good position at Smithfield. He died about 
six months after. Peace be to him; he left no honester 
nor better man behind him. 

Both joined the organization, as did also Peter Lan- 
gan. (3) Thomas Clarke Luby was present, and thought 
it strange that he had not even heard of the existence of 
the Association. 

I told him he was not more surprised than I was when 
told they had no organization in Ireland, but nevertheless 



(2) Garrett O'Shaughnessy was one of the most faithful men 
the organization produced. He escaped arrest and came to 
New York only after all hope had fled. He was engaged in the 
iron manufacturing business in Dublin and his purse was ever 
open when funds were required. 

(3) Thomas Clarke Luby belonged to a noted literary family 
in Dublin. He was educated in Trinity College, Dublin, in 
which his uncle was one of the chief professors. He became a 
leader in the movement and one of the editors of the Irish 
People. He was arrested and sentenced to twenty years' im- 
prisonment. He was exiled to this country in 1871, where he 
continued to live until his death in 1902. He was married to 
the daughter of the Irish poet Frazer. One of his sons, Mr. 
James Luby, of Jersey City, is an able newspaper man, and 
another is an officer in the United States Navy. 



12 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

what I stated was true. He did not join then, but Gray 
told me not to mind — he was all right. 

After arranging matters with them and establishing a 
mode of communication, I returned to Kilkenny. Halti- 
gan was well pleased with the results of my trip, and next 
arranged a meeting between Dr. Cane and myself. I 
shall never forget the warm, unostentatious way he re- 
ceived me. He impressed me with the idea that he was 
a most perfect model of a man, physically and mentally, 
the truest type of the Irish gentleman I had yet met. I 
knew his career as Mayor of Kilkenny, as a citizen, orator, 
lecturer and patriot. He opened the conversation, by 
saying my friend Haltigan told him I had just returned 
from New York, and that I had some good news from 
there. I told him all I knew, at which he was well 
pleased. He gave us every encouragement, and said he 
would help us in his own way. At this time his friend, 
Charles Gavan Duffy, was about leaving Ireland for Aus- 
tralia. Haltigan told me afterwards that Duffy had post- 
poned his departure for some time, in consequence of 
Dr. Cane writing to him. 

The only way we had of getting news from our friends 
in America was through "The Citizen" (once belonging 
to John Mitchell, who sold it to McClernan (i) 
his manager). I received it every week. About 
the time we expected to hear something of our 
friends an article appeared on the editorial page 
signed "From One Who Would Go." This 
article called on all Irishmen in the United States 
not to contribute to or buy any scrip from any self-consti- 
tUted body acting in the name of Ireland until there would 
be a responsible committee appointed to receive it, etc., etc. 

This evidently referred to the issue of bonds which were 
being prepared when I was leaving New York, therefore 
Haltigan and I concluded that all was up for the present. 

(1) The Citizen was started in New Tork by John Mitchell 
and Thomas Francis Meagher on Jan. 7, 1854, after their escape 
from the convict settlements of Australia. Owing to ill health 
Mitchell retired on Dec. 31 of the same year, and thereafter 
the paper was continued by his business manager, James Mc- 
Clernan. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 13 

We waited until the appointed time, September. It came, 
but brought no sign of the intended invasion. _ We still 
hoped on, but alas, our first impressions were right. 



i 4 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER II. 



About this time I was getting very short finan- 
cially. All the little money I had was gone, and 
I must get back to America. I wrote to a friend in New 
York, Michael Fitzpatrick, to send me enough money to 
take me back. I received it in due course. This man 
did not belong to the movement. 

In the meantime I was looking out for something to do, 
and had a letter from an old friend in Dublin, asking me 
to come up, as he thought he had something that would 
suit me. 

I took a position that was offered in the North, and 
stayed there until '$". I was all this time in communica- 
tion with my Dublin friends, and with Haltigan, but finally 
got tired of waiting, and becoming anxious to get back to 
New York went to Dublin for that purpose. I found a 
letter from John Haltigan awaiting me at Langan's, which 
informed me that James Stephens had arrived in Kil- 
kenny, and being told of my mission was anxious to 
see me. He was coming to Dublin, and hoped I could 
wait his arrival. I wrote him saying I would wait to 
meet him, although I had all my arrangements made to 
start for America. 

He arrived next day, and I saw him at Langan's, where 
all were glad to meet him. He was fully informed of every- 
thing up to date in relation to Irish affairs, both in Ire- 
land and America. When he saw I was determined to 
leave for America he plied me with questions, and said I 
ought not to go back if I could get a living in Ireland. If 
I would stay, he promised he would stay, and wait events. 
He had spent all his time in Paris since '48, and came 
over to Killarney to finish some work he had in hand. He 
was to sec John B. Dillon next day, about starting jn as a 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 15 

French tutor. (2) He saw him, and the project was 
favorably received, Dillon's two sons becoming his 
first pupils, and through these he secured more pupils, 
which placed him in a position of comparative inde- 
pendence. I went back to the County Antrim as agreed 
upon to await events. 

We corresponded regularly. I was now in a new 
country, yet only one day's ride from Dublin. Every- 
thing was different, accent, feeling, customs, so far as the 
people were concerned, but it was Ireland, nevertheless. I 
lived there with my Orange brothers, amongst whom J 
mixed considerably, until two days before Christinas of 
'57, when I received a letter from Stephens, requesting me 
to come immediately to Dublin, and if possible to break 
with my employer, as he had something that would suit 
me. This letter was a business one, well conceived as 
from a friend who wished to forward my interests. 

After Mr. Dunne (my employer) read my letter he re- 
leased me from my engagement in a truly friendly spirit, 
and so I hastened to meet Stephens. 

I arrived in Dublin next day, and went direct to my 
old friends in Trinity street, where I always stopped while 
in the city. As I was crossing College Green, to my sur- 
prise I met Stephens coming the other way ; he had called 
to see if I had arrived. He looked on this meeting as a 
lucky omen, as neither of us ever took such a course 
before. 

I promised to come to Langan's as soon as I could after 
seeing my friends in Trinity street. These were people 
whom I had known in New York, and who had returned 
to spend the remaining days of their life in their native 
city. I was always welcome and made happy while with 
them. They knew nothing about my business, although 
both were superior in Irish feelings to the majority of the 
people. For many reasons I did not wish them to be aware 
of my proceedings — my chief reason being, if anything 
should happen to me, they should not suffer any inconven- 

(2) John B. Dillon was one of the '4S leaders. With Gavan 
Duffy and Thomas Davis he founded the Dublin Nation. One 
of the sons, who became pupils of Stephens, was John B. Dillon, 
the present Irish leader. 



i6 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 




JAMES STEPHENS 
Chief Organizer Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 17 

ience. They were true friends, and could be trusted, as 
shall be seen. Stephens and friends were awaiting me at 
Langan's when I arrived. He read a communication he 
had received from Col. Doheny and John O'Mahony, ask- 
ing if he thought Ireland could be organized for revolu- 
tion, would he undertake to do it, and, if so, about how 
much money would he require. 

It was to take an answer to this, to the parties in New 
York who sent it that I was required. It was considered 
too great a risk to entrust it to the mails. 

Stephens read his reply to us. It stated that Ireland 
was never in a better condition for such a project, that he 
would undertake to organize the country, the amount re- 
quired being only one hundred pounds sterling a month 
for three months. I was instructed to leave next day, 
and carry this reply to Col. Doheny, Chairman of the 
Committee ; John O'Mahony, Pat O'Rourke, Capt. Cor- 
coran, Oliver Byrne, James Roache and John Reynolds, 
were the other members of the Committee. 

We had no funds, in fact, we never had any, so when 
an emergency like this occurred it fell on one or two. I 
had some money myself, and Garret O'Shaughnessy made 
up the balance so that I was enabled to pay my way 
to the United States. 

I at once made hurried arrangements and started for 
Liverpool, where I engaged a second cabin on the old 
Asia, Captain Lott, and sailed for America. 

We started from Liverpool in fine weather and in good 
spirits, but, inside of forty-eight hours experienced a 
sudden and complete change in the weather conditions. 
A terrific storm sprung up that severely tested the sea- 
worthiness of the "Asia" and the seamanship of its cap- 
tain and crew. The storm lasted for a week, and its ef- 
fects followed us all the way across, rendering the trip 
the most tempestuous and dangerous ever experienced 
by Captain Lott, who was a veteran seaman. 

We were obliged to put into Halifax for repairs, where 
I left the ship and took passage on a coasting steamer for 
Boston, whence I took a train for New York, and ar- 
rived in due time. 

Our voyage across the Atlantic had been slow and 



[8 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OK THE 

tedious, and naturally I was anxious that the letters I 
carried should be delivered as promptly as possible, there- 
fore, on my arrival in New York, I went direct from the 
depot to the law office of Col. Doheny. To my great 
disappointment, I learned he was not in, and /his son 
Michael professed not to know where he was. 

My appearance or makeup was not very preposessing, 
and perhaps he thought I was one of those unfortunates 
who often imposed on the good-natured man. I told him 
the business I had with his father was very important, and 
he should be made aware of it as soon as possible — it was 
strictly personal. "Well," said he, "you may find him at 
the Tombs." 

I thanked him and went where directed. I found the 
Colonel holding forth in a case before the Court. He 
won the case and there was a great rush for the street. 
The Colonel got out before I could, and as he was a good 
walker, I had to run to catch up. When I came up to 
him, he stopped, shook hands, and I handed him my 
paper. He tore it open and read a few lines ; the tears 
came to his eyes ; he folded up the letter and we hastened 
mi to his office. 

He dispatched Michael to the Tribune office for Pat 
O'Rourke (i), and then for the other members of the 
Committee. That evening we had all of them together. 
While waiting their coming, I inquired how John 
O'Mahony was. He said he had not seen him since the 
letter was sent, to which my communication was an 
answer, but he had heard he was organizing a colony 
to go West. Pat O'Rourke and Capt. Corcoran ar- 
rived, and the others soon after, and although their 

(1) Patrick O'Rourke was employed in the mechanical depart- 
ment of the New York Tribune from the time of the inception 
of the paper. When Horace Greeley ran short of funds he 
turned the property into a joint stock company. At one period 
being unable to pay his employees he offered them shares of 
stock in place of cash, which were spurned as worthless by all 
except Thomas Rooker, the foreman printer, and Patrick 
O'Rourke. They accepted the stock and afterward realized 
over $2,000 per annum from each share. Mr. O'Rourke later 
occupied the position of superintendent of the Tribune Build- 
ing', which he held up to the time of his death. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. ig 




PATRICK O'ROURKE, Treasurer, F. B. 



20 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

residences were scattered all over the city, all were 
present. 

The. letter which I had delivered was read and consid- 
ered satisfactory, gratifying, in fact, to all. To raise 
the first instalment was the question of the hour. Sev- 
eral propositions were made, but none of them seemed 
practical, until Capt. Corcoran, the youngest man amongst 
them, proposed that each should lay on the table what 
money he could conveniently spare, and also say how 
much he could collect or otherwise raise among his 
friends by that day week. This was unanimously ap- 
proved. A list was made out for the purpose, the 
amounts they expected to have at the appointed time were 
placed opposite to the names, and the meeting adjourned. 

Capt. Corcoran (2) took me to his home, where I 
stopped until I was ready to return to Ireland. We 
went around together each day among his friends and 
acquaintances, endeavoring to collect his part of the 
sum. At that time it was extremely difficult to raise 
any money for such a purpose, as the people had lost 
all confidence in such movements, and in the good faith 
of the leaders. Some of the Irish-American newspapers 
took a special interest in decrying any active movement 
for Ireland. They were, for various reasons, pandering 
to the local politicians, and consequently, were not with 
us. The "Irish American," then the leading and most in- 
fluential Irish paper in America was, I remember, one of 
them. 

(2) Michael Corcoran was an employee in the New York Cus- 
tom House and at first a Captain in the Sixty-ninth Regiment 
of the New York National Guard. When the Prince of "Wales, 
now Edward VII., visited America in 1860-61, the Sixty-ninth 
Regiment was ordered to parade in his honor. Corcoran, who 
was then Colonel, peremptorily refused to obey the order. Col. 
Corcoran was put under arrest and was threatened with trial 
by court martial. A great outcry was made by the Anglo- 
Americans of that time, but the Civil War breaking out just 
then, Corcoran silenced them all by tendering his sword to the 
President, while his regiment volunteered to a man into the 
service of the United States. Corcoran was afterward promoted 
to be Brigadier General for bravery in the field and devotion 
to the Union. He was an ardent Irish patriot. He was killed 
by a fall from his horse before the close of the war, 



TRTSIT REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 




CAPTAIN MICHAEL CORCORAN, 69th Regt. 
(Afterwards Brigadier General) 



22 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

It took two months to raise four hundred dollars 
( £80.) I was anxious to get back, and proposed to the 
Committee that I would start with that amount, and they 
could send the balance of instalment later, which they 
agreed to. (3). 

A circumstance occurred at this time which is well 
worth mentioning here : While on the collecting tour 
O'Mahony saw some of the leading men of the Ancient 
Order of Hibernians, and solicited their co-operation. 
They advised him to have some of us join their organi- 
zation, and then we could bring up the matter regularly 
for their consideration. O'Mahony, Corcoran, Roche 
and myself joined the Order, and were initiated. Before 
leaving I got a letter from the Secretary to their head man 
in Liverpool, introducing myself and explaining the ob- 
ject of my visit. 

I left New York by steamer early in March, 1858. On 
the way over I fell in with two Irishmen, who occupied 
berths adjoining mine. One was about my own age 
and the other about 45 years old. They both be- 
longed to the County Sligo. Tom, the youngest, and I 
became great friends, and I soon induced him to join the 
organization. He told me if I could get Barney, his 
elder companion, to join, he could set the whole county 
at work. Barney was very reserved all the way across, 
and in no way conversational until the day before landing. 
There were a good many young Englishmen returning 
from the United States, and in the washroom that morn- 
ing some of them let loose the vials of their wrath on 
the States. 

I resented their remarks. I said it was cowardly, now 
that they got on their own dunghill, to crow so vocifer- 
ously, and villify a generous young nation that had bene- 
fited them. We had quite a hot time of it. Neither 
Barney or Tom took any part in the controversy, but I 
was aware they stood ready to help if there was any 
trouble. 

(3) It was hard, to collect money for Ireland then. The 
Crimean War was over, the Emmet Monument Association had 
suspended and the Fenian Brotherhood was not yet estab- 
lished. Hope for Ireland was at a very low ebb. 



[RISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 23 

When we got back to our quarters, Barney asked me 
if I had any particular place to put up at Liverpool. I 
told him I hadn't, as I knew no one in the place. 

"Then," said he, "come with Tom and me." 

"All right," said I, appreciating this sudden change to 
sociability. 

So we wended our way to Regent street. Barney led 
us into a little hotel, or tavern it might be, and up straight 
to the bar. The man in charge and Barney were great 
friends. He was a fine specimen of an athletic Irishman, 
smart and intelligent. We were introduced, and Barney 
ordered the best beefsteak to be had in Liverpool. 

After enjoying our meal, 1 told Barney I wanted to 
transact a little business, which would not take me long, 
and that I would return and spend the afternoon with 
him. 

"I thought,'' said he, "you knew no one in Liverpool." 

"Neither do I," I said, "it is only a message I have to 
deliver for a friend." 

After leaving him I made certain that there was no one 
following me, and soon arrived at the place where I was 
to present my note of introduction. It was a sailors' out- 
fitting store, close by the shipping. My man had not 
come down yet, the young man who was keeping shop 
told me, but if it was on business I wished to see him, he 
could attend to me just as well. 

"My business is of a personal and confidential nature," 
I said, "and if it does not inconvenience you I prefer to 
wait till he comes." 

It was a small shop with a narrow stairs leading up- 
wards. I had not long to wait. Soon I heard a very 
heavy step on the stairs, and an old, heavy, cumbersome 
man, not quite awake, made his appearance. 

"This is Mr. Mullen," said the young man. 

I handed my letter of introduction to him ; he handed it 
to the young man and told him to read it. I told him 
it was private, and important, and intended only for his 
own perusal. 

"Oh," he said, "never mind; he does all my reading and 
writing:." 



24 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

The young man read the letter slowly to himself. The 
old man did not hear a word of its contents. 

"Well," said the young man, when he got through 
reading, "that's all ephemeral." 

I reached out my hand, for I wanted the letter back ; 
he gave it to me. I was glad he did. I tore it up and 
threw it into the fire. "Good morning, gentlemen," said 
I, and left them gazing after me. 

When I got back to Barney he asked where I had been. 
"I know," said the young fellow behind the bar. 

"If you know, why do you ask me?" said I. 

"You were to see Mullen," said he. 

"Right you are," said I. 

"W T ell, you were sent to the wrong party. If you stay 
to-night I will bring you to see the right ones — the true 
ones." 

"I cannot stay over night," I answered. "I must be 
in Dublin to-morrow. But if vou give me a token, I 
will send some one, if I don't come myself, whom you 
can oblige." This was the last I saw of them. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. -'5 



CHAPTER III. 

I arrived in Dublin next morning, Patrick's Day. I 
found James Stephens in his lodgings, and delivered the 
money and a letter from the Committee. That evening, 
March 17, 1858, the Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood 
was brought into existence. An obligation was 
adopted, and each in turn bound himself by it — 
Stephens first; Luby was second, who declared himself 
now ready to devote his best efforts to its fulfillment. 
All the others, Langan, Garret O'Shaughnessy and 
myself, each took the obligation. We were all su- 
premely joyous and anxious for the work. (1) The 
form of oath or text which was administered and 
which Luby drafted, was as follows: 

I, A. B., in the presence of the Almighty God, do 
solemnly swear allegiance to the Irish Republic, 
now virtually established, and that I will do my 
very utmost, at every risk, while life lasts, to de- 
fend its independence and integrity ; and, finally, 
that I will yield implicit obedience in all things, not 
contrary to the laws of God, to the commands of my 
superior officers. So help me God. Amen. 
Some slight variations of this oath were made later 
on, but the above is, substantially, the form generally 
used in Ireland. The oath administered in America 
differed somewhat in form, but was identical in spirit? 
Stephens and Luby started South next day, stopping at 
different points where they were known, and likely to 
meet with adherents to the cause. In Kilkenny, Haltigan 

(1) The Irish Revolutionary Brotherhood was established on 
a military basis, with the first four letters of the alphabet 
used instead of the ordinary titles. A standing for Colonel, 
B for Captain, C for Sergeant, and D. for private. 
* See Appendix XX, Page 199. 



26 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

was set to work. In Tipperary they were well received. 
In Templederry Father Kenyon (2), then a great friend 
of Luby's, had them to spend a few days with him. In 
Cork they found some fine material. While there, 
however, the funds gave out. 

There was in the South a secret society which had 
been organized in Skibbereen in 1856 by a number of 
patriotic men who saw no hope for Ireland, save what 
could be won by force, and who had organized under the 
name of the Phoenix National and Literary Society. The 
word Phoenix was intended to signify that the spirit of 
Irish Nationality had arisen again from the ashes of op- 
pression. 

The majority of these men, the best in the country, be- 
came later on identified with the I. R. B. and were its 
mainstay and backbone in various places. 

James Stephens, on his visit to Skibbereen, brought a 
letter of introduction from James O'Mahoney, of Ban- 
don, to Dan McCartie (Donel Oge), whom he initiated 
into our Society. Donal Oge, I was told, initiated 
O'Donovan Rossa, who in turn initiated Pat Downing 
and Morty Moynahan, who in turn initiated others and 
in that way the organization spread. 

In three or four months the southern half of the County 
of Cork was organized, Pat DowningV Morty Moynahan 
and O'Donovan Rossa becoming Centres of circles. The 
same spirit of enthusiasm spread to other counties and 
very soon the men of Munster were out nights on the 
hillsides and on lonely roads drilling. 

During all this time no word had been received from 
America regarding the balance of the instalment. After 
vainly waiting some time, Stephens and Luby were 
obliged to return to Dublin, stranded. 

Langan's was a great place for meeting — that and Ste- 
phens' lodgings being the only places then in Dublin. In 
Kingstown there was a family of four brothers, the Hick- 
eys ; John, Patrick, William and another. They were 
all connected with the building trades, a host in them- 
selves. John, the eldest, was a thoroughly practical 

(2) A patriot priest of the '48 movement. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 27 

man. He had great influence and a wide acquaintance 
among that class, and was the means of getting in the 
city a great many members in the same line. The Hick- 
eys knew none but the best people. They were certainly 
among the most sterling men in the Dublin organization. 

At this time Charles Beggs turned up, and joined our 
ranks. He, Considine and myself, took rooms at Mat 
Farrell's, Creighton street. A more gentle, kind hearted 
man than Beggs I had never met. He was an enthusiast 
in everything pertaining to revolution in Ireland. He wrote 
"The Military Resources of Ireland," had it published in 
pamphlet form at his own expense, but found no market 
for it then, so the books remained dead stock on his hands. 

Considine was the courier that brought the letter from 
Doheny to Stephens. He was rather conceited and ego- 
tistical and clashed with the honest Beggs on nearly every 
subject, as he did also with Garret O'Shaughnessy, who 
called every evening to lighten our monotony and brighten 
our hopes for the future. We needed his consolation, as 
this period was a most gloomy one. Everything was not 
only at a standstill, but the outlook for the future was 
dark indeed. There had been no news from America 
since my return, and it looked as if our friends there had 
given up all thought of us. Stephens was after returning. 
He sent Considine home to his father, somewhere in Tip- 
perary. This state of inertia was demoralizing. Stephens 
was unable to keep his appointments, and all engagements 
had to be abandoned. Each day came and passed into 
yesterday, but still no tidings. 

At last Stephens came to the conclusion that I must go 
back again to America, but where was the money to 
take me there? We were all penniless, or nearly so. 
Again Garrett O'Shaughnessy came to the rescue. He 
had no funds of his own, but borrowed from his brother 
seven or eight pounds — I forget which, but it was about 
that much. I started again for America, bearing a hot 
letter to the committee. 

When I arrived and delivered the letter, I found they 
were just after sending the balance of the first instalment, 
one hundred dollars (£20), and there was not another 
cent in the treasury. Colonel Doheny took me to his 



2 S A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

home in Brooklyn, where I stopped until my return to 
Ireland. O'Mahony was taken up with his Keating's His- 
tory of Ireland, which he was translating into English 
from the original Gaelic manuscript, and had some diffi- 
culty with his publisher. 

After a month, occupied in foraging around, I returned 
to Ireland with only forty pounds, which disappointed all 
our friends. I told Stephens not to depend on America for 
further assistance. "The Irish-Americans," I said, "will 
not subscribe until they are obliged to. They have been 
humbugged so often they have lost confidence, and at 
present have no faith in attempts for the regeneration of 
Ireland." 

Thomas Davis said that we had all reason to hope as 
long as the Irish people were not materialists, — that they 
would always keep the freedom of their country in their 
leading thoughts. Unfortunately, too many have fallen 
away from Davis' ideal, and societies gotten up in the name 
of Ireland are often used for local or personal politics. 
There is not a charitable body, club, or anything in that 
way, that is not turned to advantage by unprincipled men. 
Until these hypocrites are set aside, and the eyes of the 
people opened to the duplicities which have been practiced 
upon them, there can be no help for Ireland from Amer- 
ica. 

On my arrival in Dublin, Luby was sent to the South, 
while Stephens and I went on to Waterford. At that 
time we did not make much headway in the city of Water- 
ford, but it afterward became a stronghold of National 
activity. John Dillon, who kept an extensive wheelwright 
business, became one of the leaders, and for many years 
was the "Centre" of the city. He was a most prudent and 
conservative man, but, at the same time, an intense Na- 
tionalist, and carried on his work with such secrecy and 
precision that the Government remained completely in 
the dark regarding the existence of the organization until 
toward the close of the movement. 

Denis B. Cashman was another of the leading spirits 
in Waterford. He was chief clerk for a legal firm and had 
a wide circle of friends, among whom he instilled his pa- 
triotic principles. He was arrested later on in Dublin and 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 29 

sentenced to fourteen years' imprisonment. He was sent 
to Australia, but was pardoned after about four years. He 
came to America, settled in Boston and became assistant 
editor of the Pilot under John Boyle O'Reilly. He died in 
Boston in 1902. W. K. Hearn, Terence Kent, John Kenny, 
John Tobin and P. J. Donohue were also prominent lead- 
ers in Waterford. 

After seeing some friends in Waterford, we started for 
Carrick-on-Suir on foot. It was a lovely day in Summer. 
T never enjoyed a clay's trip so much. At this time 
Stephens was at the highest notch in my estimation. He 
was grand. I would undertake anything for him. He 
seemed to have me under a spell. He was the only prac- 
tical man I had met in the Movement up to that time. 
There was earnestness in his every move. He was ab- 
stemious, frugal — in fact, in adversity his greatest quali- 
ties were shown to perfection. He was all that could be 
desired as a leader. If he had continued so, and lived up 
to the doctrine he promulgated and practiced his own pre- 
cepts, we would have a different state of things now. But 
he was not a Wolfe Tone. 

Strict attention to duty, perseverance, privation, toil — 
no rest until the object was reached and victory achieved; 
these were a few of the discouragements he pointed out 
to all. We were willing to bear all and followed him to 
the end. 

We arrived in Carrick that evening and called on old 
man Kavanagh, where we stopped that night. He had a 
fine lot of young fellows, and some few older ones to meet 
Stephens, who, after a little time, made them joyful with 
his remarks. He sent me on to Denis Dowling Mulcahy, 
who lived in Powerstown, near Clonmel, to ask him to 
meet him in that town next day. I spent that night with 
Denis and his family. His father was a fine type of an 
Irish gentleman, of most distinguished and patriarchial 
appearance. His mother must have passed away, for I 
saw no one there who would be likely to fill that place. 
His two sisters were present. One of them, the eldest, 
I met afterward, under changed circumstances, which 
shall be dealt with in the proper place, and Denis also 
shall be heard from again, 



30 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

After spending a pleasant day in Clonmel I was sent to 
Kilmallock to see a friend and arrange a meeting for 
Stephens. I saw my man and arranged for the meeting. 
Thence I went to Macroom to see another. Here I had to 
wait until school was out, as the man I came to see was a 
teacher. It was a fair day there, and I enjoyed it while 
waiting for my man, with whom I was highly pleased, and 
whose name was Lucy. I strolled around the remainder 
of the afternoon and stopped for the night right opposite 
the castle in a very snug hotel kept by M. Murphy, if I 
remember right. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 31 



CHAPTER IV. 

Next morning I left for Cork, and met Stephens and 
Luby at the Commercial Hotel. After resting and refresh- 
ing ourselves we took a stroll through the famous city, 
among other places visiting the pile from which the fa- 
mous bells of Shandon send out their rapturous 
melody. I was captivated and satisfied I had per- 
formed a duty for neglecting which I would never for- 
give myself. 

After seeing the places of interest inside the city, I 
could not help noticing that the devastating hand of mis- 
government had been doing its work of destruction. Al- 
though not so bad as elsewhere it was quite perceptible. 
We took in the Mall, a pleasant walk, and also got a good 
view of the Cove. Spike Island, with its menacing and 
frowning aspect, kept my attention riveted for a moment 
or two, but what passed through my mind during that 
short space of time, I cannot attempt to describe. It 
marred the pleasure that otherwise would have been com- 
plete. (1). 

We had arranged to meet our Cork friends at Carroll's 

(1) The convict establishment of Ireland was at that time 
situated on Spike Island, which is located in the Cove of Cork, 
modernly known as Queenstown Harbor, so named after a 
visit of Queen Victoria. Beneath its gloomy walls many thou- 
sands of Irishmen were done to death, most of whom were 
imprisoned on trumped-up charges in connection with the 
various land agitations. One of the prisoners, named Cornelius 
O'Reilly, afterward a resident of New York, made his escape 
from there under extraordinary circumstances. He was impli- 
cated in the killing of a rack-renting and licentious landlord 
and enlisted in the army in order to escape from the police. 
While standing on St. Patrick's Bridge, Cork, as a soldier, look- 
ing with hundreds of others at a furious flood in the River Lee, 
a little child fell over the parapets of the bridge out of the 
arms of its nurse, who was among the spectators, and was 
being carried away by the flood. Quick as a flash O'Reilly 
.jumped after it, caught it in his arms and, althuugh he was 



2,2 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

that evening. When the hour came all were on hand. 
Among the advanced Nationalists were Carroll, Bryan 
Dillon, Morty Moynahan and James Mountain. These I 
remember distinctly. They made a deep impression on me 
as they were the most advanced men I had up to that time 
fallen in with. It was an evening well spent and shall 
never be forgotten. It brought me in touch with men who 
were abreast of the times, and who by their efforts re- 
deemed the city's good name, and made it the first on the 
roll of honor in Ireland. (2). 

carried Ave miles by the rushing current, succeeded in saving 
its life and his own. 

The child was the daughter of Michael Joseph Barry, a lead- 
ing lawyer of Ireland and an ardent poet and patriot of the 
'48 movement. For accepting office from the British govern- 
ment and turning traitor to his Irish principles he was nick- 
named "Judas Barry." He was Attorney General for Ireland 
during the Fenian trials and prosecuted his countrymen for 
avowing the same principles which he advocated himself twenty 
years before. 

O'Reilly was lionized by the public generally for his noble 
action, but the fame he achieved disclosed his identity and 
he was arrested for the murder of the landlord and sent to 
Spike Island for life. He was there only a short time, when 
the warden one evening winked in the direction of a stone 
on the beach and told him to lag behind. Under the stone was 
a note telling him to watch a ship which lay in the offing. As 
night was closing in a boat put off from the ship, made for 
Ihe direction of O'Reilly, picked him up. carried him on board, 
and he was brought safely to New York. It never became 
known who O'Reilly's savior was, but it is generally believed 
that it was Barry, as no one else interested had the power to 
bring about such an escape. Although he proved recreant to 
Ireland he still retained enough gratitude in his heart to rescue 
from a living death the man whose bravery saved the life of 
his child. 

O'Reilly lived for many years in New York and kept a restau- 
rant in Eighth avenue, near Twenty-third street, about a 
quarter of a century ago. He was known as the Commodore 
from his love of aquatics, and was prominent in many Irish 
organizations. 

(2) Of the Corkmen mentioned above Bryan Dillon and James 
Mountain were arrested, convicted of treason-felony and sen- 
tenced to long terms of imprisonment. Mortimer Moynahan 
was one of the men arrested for the so-called Phoenix con- 
spiracy in 1858-9. He was not arrested in the '65-67 movement. 
He escaped to New York, where he died five years after his 
arrival, 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 33 

But we must move again — this time for Killarney, for a 
sight of which my heart was panting. We left next morn- 
ing on a jaunting car, and, after traveling some distance, 
took to walking. Stephens spoke of Gougane Barra, but, 
as we had no special business there, we went up the side 
of a mountain and were soon in Glengariff. Stephens 
knew every point of interest, and took pride in pointing 
them out to us as they appeared in their most captivating 
aspects. We passed under the natural bridge, and were 
soon in the County Kerry, the birthplace of Daniel O'Con- 
nell, the Liberator. I was wrong in expecting to find 
conditions better there. I found the people apparently 
more enslaved than in any other part of Ireland which I 
had yet visited, and which I learned that evening, to my 
great sorrow. 

Our first stop was at Kenmare. We put up at a little 
hotel and tavern, where we were to meet some of the 
townsmen that night. We were now in the dominion of 
Lord Landsdowne, governed by his Agent Trench, one of 
the meanest and most contemptible petty tyrants that ever 
held authority over poor mortals. His vigilance never 
slumbered, consequently there was more caution displayed 
here on that account. This I learned from a man who sat 
beside me, and who had arrived later than the others. I 
could not help noticing that an uneasy feeling possessed 
him, and asked was there anything the matter with him, 
he looked so woebegone. 

"No," said he ; "but this is new to me, and this is a ter- 
rible place." 

"This house?" said I. 

"No," said he ; "I mean the town ; you can't move with- 
out you are watched and talked of." 

He then told me of the espionage that was exercised 
and some of the rules this agent had laid down for ob- 
servance by the community. If any one should go to a 
wake, no matter how great the friend, or near the relative, 
you must first get the agent's consent. Tenants were not 
permitted to marry without his sanction. Such were some 
of the rules in this part of Kerry. This beautiful place was 
cursed by this haughty tyrant, blustering and crimping 
all the joys and comforts, social and economic all round. 



34 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

'Twas here, I think, I first met O'Donovan Rossa 
and Dan McCarty. I know the meeting was brief. 
After Stephens got through, we left the place. (3). 

We were now on our way to the Lakes, and arrived 
there in a very short time. Those intervals on the road 
were very interesting to me. My two traveling compan- 
ions could find no equals as conversationalists in all that 
talkative land. It was equal to a course of lectures on 
history, literature and poetry, not of English only, but of 
all the nations that had any to boast of in ancient or mod- 
ern times. I took it all in and venerated these two worthy 
men for the wonderful knowledge they possessed and had 
so ready at command on all occasions. I thanked Provi- 
dence for the privilege of seeing this romantic and pic- 
turesque part of my native land in such company, and was 
perfectly conscious that we were on a noble mission for the 
sake of liberty, truth and justice. With such pleasing 
fancies floating around me, Killarney burst forth on our 
anxious eyes. Stephens had the jarvey drive in by a cer- 
tain road between two slopes forming a little valley on 
high ground. A sudden turn in the road revealed the Up- 
per Lake in all its glory as suddenly as an artist throws a 
stereopticon picture on a canvas. 

Stephens had a very happy way of getting up such sur- 
prises, and this could not have been better conceived. He 
had kept us interested until the view broke on our vision. 
This is considered the best approach to Killarney for tour- 
ists. The town is insignificant, but all else magnificent. 
We put up at a small hotel, the proprietor of which knew 
Stephens well, a circumstance that brought him into trou- 
ble afterward. This hotel was a resort for those of limited 
means, but homely and comfortable. After refreshing 
ourselves, and making arrangements for a meeting in the 
evening, Stephens took us to Ross Island and Muckross 



(3) O'Donovan Rossa has since achieved a world-wide reputa- 
tion as an Irish patriot. He became business manager of the 
Irish People newspaper, Dublin, and was afterwards sentenced 
to imprisonment for life. He was pardoned in 1871 and came to 
New York, where he has resided ever since. He is now pub- 
lisher of the United Irishman. Daniel McCarthy was one of the 
principal leaders of Cork. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 




O'DONOVAN ROSSA 
From Photograph Taken in iJ 



36 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

Abbey, and he knew and explained so many things of 
interest, natural beauties, historic scenes, legends, etc., that 
I imagined I was in fairy land. 

The object of Stephens' tour was to secretly visit and 
personally interview the most influential Nationalists in 
each town, explaining to them as far as was permissable 
at that time the plan and scope of the organization in 
America and Ireland, and what it hoped to accomplish. 

He invariably succeeded in getting them interested to 
the extent of their becoming active local organizers and 
always, before leaving, instructed them regarding the ex- 
pected growth and future government of the society in 
that section. 

The meetings were carried on with great secrecy behind 
closed doors and in each place Stephens was given the 
names of reliable men in the next town, men in whose 
patriotism he could rely to the death ; these in turn re- 
ferred him to others further along and in that way the 
entire South was organized. 

Later on other men were sent North and West, men 
widely acquainted in those sections who repeated the good 
work performed by Stephens, Luby and others in the 
South and Southeast. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. z7 



CHAPTER V. 

Next day he had a boat ready, and sent it somewhere 
for future use. He brought us through Lord Kenmare's 
grounds, then to Kate Kearney's cottage, where we had 
some goat's milk and mountain dew, then through the gap 
of Dunloe, stopping at times to hear the echoes, which 
were caused by the firing of small cannon by men who got 
a living out of this enterprise. The surroundings were 
different to anything I had yet seen. All nature was shut 
out from our view. On either side the mountains ran up 
perpendicularly and as the passes were of a winding na- 
ture, only the sky above us and a short glimpse of the 
pass before us and behind us was visible to the eye. It 
is a weird, lonely place. The sun has very little chance 
of displaying his influence in this valley. 

We now arrived in sight of MacGillicuddy's Reeks, the 
highest mountain peak in Ireland. After resting a while 
and taking in all the points of interest pointed out to us, 
we met the renowned guide, a real knight and a very in- 
teresting acquaintance — the Knight of the Gap of Dunloe. 
Lord Musgrave, while Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, had 
visited this place, and, in one of his happy moods, con- 
ferred on this man the honor of Knighthood. It was 
merely an empty title, with nothing at the back of it, he 
remarked, and rather placed him in an awkward position, 
as he had no way of entertaining his friends. 

We next descended the rocky side of the Black Valley. 
There is no vegetation here — nothing but rock, the forma- 
tion of which is very peculiar. It is formed as if an 
ebbing tide on every receding ebb left an effect like a 
stairs, some of the steps being wider and deeper than 
others. Mrs. S. C. Hall, we were told, was the only 
woman who had made a descent of this valley. We now 
reached the head of the Upper Lake and the boat that was 



3« A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

dispatched in the morning was found waiting us there. 
We got on board and steered for Arbutus Island. In a 
few minutes we were there. The boatman had a nice 
lunch spread out for us — another of Stephens' surprises. 
Never was a meal more thoroughly enjoyed. 

But, as in all terrestrial affairs, there were some draw- 
backs. At certain times of the year, the midges come in 
great swarms. This island is their home — at least they 
make it appear so, for they never cease to make war on 
all intruders. We did not remain long; finding we were 
not welcome, we departed and left them in peace. In this 
island the Arbutus tree reaches perfection. Its bright 
green leaves and red berries make it a picture in itself. 
We embarked again and steered for the Middle Lake, 
the scenery all around us increasing in beauty and grand- 
eur, the hills and mountains thrown up so fantastically 
that they were utterly beyond my powers of description. 

On we went through this maze of wonder, until the 
boatman ran us on a little strand, right opposite the 
Eagles' Nest. We all jumped on shore and found Gilles- 
pie, the cornetist, there. He gave us an entertainment 
never to be forgotten. He played "The Last Rose of Sum- 
mer" a bar at a time, stopping until the echoes died away, 
and then continuing. Every note he played was echoed 
and re-echoed a thousand times in the promontory of the 
Eagles' Nest. He then went around a rock close by, 
concealed himself and resumed playing. It appeared 
to me that he had been wafted by some mysterious 
and unseen power to the Eagles' Nest, the echoes re- 
verberating from there being the only sound we heard. 

We regretted having to leave this enchanting place, but 
were compelled to, because of the rapidly approaching 
close of the day, and the necessity of keeping engage- 
ments at the hotel. I will refrain from mentioning the 
names of those we met there, fearing that, even though 
they have passed away, their offsprings might be harassed 
by the relentless tyrants who rule there yet. 

Next day, we visited Glena, took a peep into "O'Sulli- 
van's Library" and examined with great interest every- 
thing said to have been identified in the past with the 
chieftain of that name. The "Devil's Punchbowl" was 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 39 

next on our list, a mountain with a lake on the sum- 
mit. Both command the attention of the visitor and 
are worthy of a pilgrimage. Some important work was 
to be done by us on the following night and then we were 
to leave the place. This left us all next day for sightsee- 
ing, and Stephens told us to prepare for a long journey on 
the morrow on foot. 

We started early next morning, taking refreshments 
along, as there was no likelihood of our being able to ob- 
tain anything to eat until our return. We wended our way 
up the Esk River, a little mountain stream, so narrow at 
some places one could jump across it. The route we took 
to Glen-na-Coppal or the Horses' Glen is one seldom 
used by tourists. 

This day's journey affording the opportunity, my com- 
panions began discussing matters in their usual happy 
vein. While resting, Stephens, indicating a plateau on an 
adjoining hill affording a view of the lakes and mountains, 
which we had seen the day previous, said : "There is 
where we will build our University." Then he described 
his plan for the proposed structure. Previous to this the 
conversation had been on the past, its heroes, great men 
of literature, thinkers, artists, etc. ; but now it turned to 
the future. The idea of the University to me appeared to 
belong to dreamland, but then I thought it was Fancy 
taking a little recreation or amusement, but I would rather 
not have heard it expressed in so earnest a manner. 

We ascended a mountain, and when we came down on 
the other side Luby was quite beside himself at the feat 
we had performed. If Hannibal, after crossing the Alps, 
felt more elated, he must indeed have been a proud man. 
It was one of the funniest experiences we had, except 
the crossing of Cromwell's Bridge, which excelled the 
event at Lodi, in our estimation. 

We came at last to the Lake, a lonely spot with nothing 
but its solitariness to recommend it to any one. The day 
being excessively hot, and all around quite still, with 
no one in sight or likely to be, we — Lubv and 
myself — made up our minds to have a dip in 
the Lake. Its nice sandy beach looked quite 
inviting. Although I cannot boast of my 



4 o A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

swimming, I knew my friend could not swim a stroke, so 
we went carefully along, treading within our depths and 
with antics worthy of happier days, enjoying our refresh- 
ing amusement, when suddenly down I went over a ledge 
into the depths. I could feel the side of the abyss until 
my feet touched bottom. When I arose to the surface, I 
found my friend within an arm's length of me. Another 
jump of his would have brought him to the edge and put 
both of us in a precarious position, so I rushed on him and 
knocked him over. It took some time to convince him of 
the danger we were in. He was like a boy full of fun and 
excitement all through our bath. Stephens, stretched on 
the grass, was laughing at us, but did not know at the 
time the danger we were in. 

We dressed and partook of the refreshments we had 
brought with us, but had no goat's milk. Stephens knew 
of a cot convenient, so we went there. Leaving the woods 
and groves behind us, we ascended a slight eminence and 
found ourselves in prairie land. 

The cot was at some distance, standing alone, like a 
place forsaken ; but, on nearer approach, we found it com- 
paratively cozy and cleanly kept. On entering, an old 
man came to greet us. and Stephens told him of our need. 
In a few moments a young woman came out of an ad- 
joining room, barefooted and very thinly clad. Her 
unexpected appearance struck us with surprise ; her 
beauty, grace and gentleness, appearing so unex- 
pectedly, silenced us for a minute or two. 

We had not the slightest idea of finding such a pleasing 
hostess in this remote habitation. She brought us some 
fresh sweet milk and bade us make ourselves at ease. She 
said : "So seldom are we visited, that it makes us glad to 
see anybody." 

If Davis' girl at Lough Dan excelled our heroine in any 
feature, she must have been an angel. After paying our 
devoirs to her and her father, we retraced our steps, hav- 
ing new food for contemplation in the varied trifles that 
made up the day. We arrived at our hotel and finished 
business in Killarney, for that time at least. 

Next morning we started for Dublin, passing the two 
lovely hills called the Paps, an adjunct of Killarney. We 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 4T 

had a few minutes' stoppage at Limerick Junction, where 
we had some most excellent coffee, a rare thing" to find at a 
railway station. 

In Dublin we found no news from America. About 
this time Luby had important business in the County 
Meath, and as I knew the party he was to see, he took 
me along with him. We went by way of Navan, where 
we called on Thomas Masterson. Thence by jaunting 
car to Drumcondra, where we were to see our man. It 
was Sunday morning when we arrived and we found 
him at breakfast. He was the parish schoolmaster, and 
also acted as sexton to the Chapel, which stood nearly 
opposite his house. His name was Reilly. He invited 
us to be seated and wait awhile, as he had to ring the 
chapel bell for mass, and would return in a short time. 

After he had left, Luby and I took a walk north- 
wards, intending to return in time to meet our friend. 
A short distance outside the village we met a man I 
knew well — a respectable farmer, on his way to mass. 
When he saw us he jumped off the jaunting car, took 
me aside and asked me if that was Luby with me. I 
told him it was, and introduced them. He advised us 
not to go back to the village, for Reilly had sworn to 
him he would have Luby arrested the first time he saw 
him. He told us to go on as we were going until we 
came to the railway station, and take the next train for 
Dublin. 

I wanted to return to the village, as I thought there 
must be some mistake, and knowing Reilly, I could not 
believe he would act as we were told, but my friend re- 
monstrated and assured us it was true, and gave rea- 
sons for avoiding Reilly. We hastened to Gormans- 
town where, after waiting a short time, we got a train 
bound for Dublin, where we arrived in good time. 

We received news of our trip to Drumcondra a few 
days later through a friend engaged in the pawn office 
business, who showed us a copy of the "Hue and Cry," 
which contained a description of Luby and myself, with 
an order authorizing any policeman to arrest us on 
sight. The facts in the matter were, Reilly told Father 
O'Brien there were two emissaries of a Secret Society 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 




THOMAS CLARKE LUBY. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD 43 

from Dublin in town. His Reverence after the Gospel, 
told his hearers to beware of them and advised them 
on that head. The Sergeant of Police and his squad 
being members of the congregation, left the chapel at 
once and had all the roads leading out of Drumcondra 
guarded, while they searched the place for us. They 
arrested two tramps, and after putting them through an 
examination, let them go. 

In consequence of this, Luby was obliged to leave 
home, and took temporary lodgings in the North Sub- 
urbs. I remained where I was, but kept very close, not 
stirring out until night, when I would visit Langan's. 
My residence was not known, nor myself, only among a 
few friends. 

For about two months we were kept in this seclusion, 
which was a very severe strain on Luby, who lived 
among strangers. I called on him as often as possible, 
and had a pleasant time listening to his daily vexations 
and surprises which were unavoidable under the cir- 
cumstances. 

James Stephens left for America and evefything re- 
mained practically at a standstill, or nearly so. It was 
arranged that he would return by way of Paris. About 
this period the Government seemed to become aware 
for the first time that a powerful secret Revolutionary 
society was being propagated throughout the country, 
and became much alarmed thereat. 

At this juncture "The Nation," of Dublin, then in the 
hands of A. M. and T. D. Sullivan, published an article 
on the evils of spreading an illegal society in the south 
and declaring it would be the duty of that paper to ex- 
pose those engaged in such reprehensible business. I 
kept the paper for Stephens, and showed it to him on 
his return. On reading it he denounced the Sullivans 
as "felon setters," a name which was publicly applied 
to them soon after and which stuck to them for a gene- 
ration. 

It has often since been a source of surprise and pain 
to me to see good, true Irishmen engaged in fiercely de- 
nouncing some other good Irishman with whom they 



44 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

happened to differ on some minor question of policy or 
of detail. 

Some men love to pose as patriots and leaders and 
want a monopoly of the posing. When another 
equally good man becomes tired of seeing them pose 
and accomplish nothing, and starts out to do better, 
then the first patriot suddenly awakens to the enormity 
of the offense being committed by his rival and a row 
ensues in which all sight of the main object aimed at 
by both parties is entirely lost. 

In looking back on this period after a lapse of many 
years there does not seem to be any doubt concerning 
the true patriotism of the Sullivans (although I did 
not think so at the time), but it does seem to me they 
aspired to a monopoly of Irish patriotism, perhaps of 
Irish leadership, and could not tolerate any men or any 
movement that tended to infringe on their imaginary 
position of being the sole Irish political leaders at that 
time. 

The inquiries instituted by the Government officials 
resulted in the procuring of a few mercenary informers 
on whose uncorroborated evidence a number of Phoe- 
nix men were unexpectedly arrested in various places. 
O'Donovan Rossa was arrested in Skibbereen, Dermis 
Riordan in Macroon, and Martin Hawe in Kilkenny. 
Morty Moynahan, Billy O'Shea, P. J. Dowling and 
others, equally well known, were also taken in and im- 
prisoned. There was some excitement for a time, but 
most of the prisoners were eventually released, as no 
juries could be found to convict them. O'Donovan 
Rossa was not brought to trial, but was remanded 
twice without bail, thereby compelling him to suffer a 
long imprisonment without having been convicted. 
He was finally released without trial. 

An informer named Warner, after he had done his 
infamous work in the South, was sent, under the care 
of the police to Ballybock Bridge barracks. This fel- 
low was a recreant member of the Society in Skibber- 
een. He continued to frequent public houses around 
the barracks and boast he was the informer that had 
those fine fellows locked up. This boasting, which 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 45 

was done with impunity, became the talk of the neigh- 
borhood, and finally reached Dublin. 

At Langan's the matter was often talked of. We 
thought it disgraceful to have it going on day after 
day. We also thought as he was the first informer, it 
would have a good effect morally, and act as a deter- 
rent to others, to have that wretch summarily dealt 
with. We looked upon his boastings as a challenge 
and finally decided that one of us should see the fel- 
low, and if he again boasted of his treachery, shoot 
him. There was every probability that our man would 
be captured, but he was to go prepared to take the con- 
sequences. 

As James Stephens was still absent, Luby was in 
charge of affairs, and I shall never forget the effect the 
proposition had on him. Pacing up and down, he said, 
"My God, it cannot be permitted. The sacrifice would 
be too great — giving a good man for a scoundrel ; 
moreover, I will not take the responsibility of such a 
course upon myself." The matter was reluctantly 
given up, perhaps, for the better. I have, however, 
sometimes thought if it had been carried out it might 
have checked the treachery and audacity of other 
scoundrels and perhaps saved many a good, true man, 
who was afterward made the victim of perjured in- 
formers. 



46 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER VI. 

According to arrangement, Luby left Dublin about 
the early part of March, '59, to meet Stephens in Bou- 
logne, on his return from America. Stephens' trip was 
reported to have been a most successful one ; at last, 
he had secured sufficient funds to work with and was 
sanguine of having a supply for the future. 

In a short time I received a call to come to Paris. 
Dan McCartie and Owen Considine were already 
there, but a few days after my arrival were sent back 
to Ireland. It was Stephens' intention to bring over 
all the "A's" — that is, the centres of circles — and give 
them a course of instruction in military affairs. He 
told us he had laid the foundation of a plan that would 
yield him all the money required, and he would soon 
have a school for the purpose of preparing tliose whom 
he would select and utilize for the advancement of the 
cause. 

It was at this time I got acquainted with Arthur 
O'Leary, brother of John O'Leary, who was about 
leaving for America, sent by Stephens on some im- 
portant mission. This took place about the latter part 
of May, 1859. Arthur was a splendid specimen of the 
student class. He had been teaching English in one 
of the colleges, and lived with Stephens. Denis Dow- 
ling Mulcahy arrived next.(i) 



(1) Dr. Denis Dowling Mulcahy, the famous Fenian, was 67 
years old at the time of his death, which occurred on Septem- 
ber 13th, 1900, in Newark, N. J.. He had resided in Newark for 
twenty-seven years. Dr. Mulcahy was a native of Redmonds- 
town in the county Tipnerary. He was born in 1S33. He joined 
the Fenian Brotherhood, and soon ruse to eminence in the coun- 
cils of the patriots. He was arrested, tried and sentenced to a 
term of penal servitude. He served his term in Portland and 
Millbank Prisons. 
His speech in the dock revealed the true patriot. It was im- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



47 



I had been in Paris nearly four months when I dis- 
covered, to my amazement, that the funds were again 
getting low — rent unpaid, various bills due, expenses 
accumulating, and everything looking blue again. As 
for myself, knowing how we were depending on 
America for remittances, I began to feel uncomfort- 
able ; in fact, almost ashamed to come to our quarters. 
I resolved to ask Stephens to let me go back to Dublin, 
and he decided I could go if he heard nothing from 
New York the coming week. The week expired, but 




DR. DENIS DOWLING MULCAHY. 



we received no news from New York, and finally, after 
a sojourn of four months in that beautiful city, I left 
for Dublin. 



passioned, vigorous and defiant. The judge vainly said he would 
not listen. Mulcahy made his speech to the end. 

On being released he went to France, where he lived for two 
years, and then came to the United States. After many wander- 
ings he settled in Newark, and engaged in the practice of medi- 
cine. 



48 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

I must tell how we spent our time in Paris. John 
O'Leary returned from America in September. "59. I 
had met him before leaving. He did not belong to the 
Organization, at least, he never took the obligation. 
He was an entirely different man to his brother Arthur, 
very reserved, somewhat of an aristocrat, but very gen- 
ial to anyone he liked. 

Paris, at this time, was in its happiest mood — the 
Empire being in its halcyon days. We saw the army 
depart for Italy and return, covered with glory. Ma- 
genta and Solferino were victories the nation was proud 
of. As we were laying on our oars, with little to do, 
we put in our time in the most profitable and best way 
we could — seeing everything of note. 

The Captain (Stephens), knew everything that hap- 
pened in and around the city, and his directions were 
carried out to the letter. Sometimes he came with us 
himself to Versailles, St. Cloud, Pere la Chaise and the 
Bois de Boulogne. He took great pleasure in pointing 
out the bas-relief — all allegorical studies — on the Arc 
of Triumph. Once he accompanied us to the Luxem- 
burg, the Palace de Cluny, Sevres and St. Clotilde. 
These places were often visited by us afterward. Wet 
days were spent in the picture galleries and art studios. 

Arthur O'Leary devoted one day to taking me 
through the Latin Quarter, which presented to me a 
phase of Parisian life I had not seen before. One place 
we visited was a pension or kind of hotel, where the 
students lived. As soon as we entered a large hall, 
there was a rush for Arthur — who was known to all 
and exceedingly popular — such handshaking and kick- 
ing up I have never witnessed since I came from that 
decorous city. He was beloved by all who surrounded 
him. Some were young ladies who were more re- 
served in their compliments, but none the less genu- 
inely pleased to see him. Among the students were 
two young men from Brooklyn, N. Y., who made it 
very pleasant for me, as we could converse freely in 
English. They told me they were sometimes annoyed 
by the remarks and reflections of the other students on 
New York and America generally : to the effect that the 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 49 




JOHN O'LEARY 
(Editor "The Irish People") From a Painting by J. B. Yeats 



50 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

United States was a receptacle for the scum of Europe, 
and consequently there was no society, no refinement 
there, etc., etc. 

After a while some of the students asked me how I 
found the United States, and I told them, they were 
mistaken in their opinions regarding it ; that they could 
find as good society there as they could in any city of 
Europe, and after all, their remarks reflected on them- 
selves, as the disreputable classes in America were the 
product of their own beautiful European civilization. 
We finally succeeded in removing the odium cast on 
America and placed it at the door of Europe. Our two 
American friends were so elated with the outcome of 
the interview, they took Arthur and myself to the Bois 
and we had a glorious time. In blaming Europe, I ex- 
cepted Paris, as I thought there was more civil liberty 
to be found there than in any place I had yet seen. A 
person is safe and unmolested there wherever he goes, 
night or day. 

I spent many pleasant evenings with John O'Leary. 
His greatest pleasure lay among the bookstalls along 
the Quay d'Orsie, a favorite resort of his. He gave me 
a souvenir the day before I left that I highly prize. 

The evenings spent in our quarters were also very 
pleasant. Our landlord and family, the LaCours, oc- 
cupied the first floor, and we a suite above them. They 
were from Lyons and were but a short time in Paris. 
We were on good terms with them and visited them 
frequently. Stephens was always happy on these oc- 
casions, for he seemed to be at home in French society. 

Luby left for Dublin about this time. I began to be 
satiated with all this dazzling splendor and gaiety, and 
longed to see the green hills and mountains around 
Dublin. The dependent state in which we were placed 
added to my desire to get away. I was well pleased 
with my trip, and thanked Providence for the oppor- 
tunity afforded me for so delightful a sojourn. As long 
as life remains, the impressions made on my mind by 
these charming French people will never be effaced. 

My return was over the same route as I went, 
through Normandy to Dieppe. It was in autumn and 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 51 

the crops were all cut and husbanded, the orchards all 
stripped and their fruits put away. Abundance of 
everything had blessed the labors of these industrious 
people. As I passed along this section of the country, 
I was at a loss to know how they managed their herds 
and flocks, as there were no hedges, fences or rails seen 
dividing the different holdings. 

One of the husbandmen, who got on the train, a very 
sociable person, explained all to me. Stakes set in the 
ground mark the limits of each one's holding, and a 
common pasture serves for all purposes of cattle rais- 
ing, so there is no waste by these unnecessary and con- 
servative structures. It did not appear to me so pic- 
turesque or so pleasing to the eye as the more ex- 
travagant space-occupying ditches and fences used in 
Ireland, nor does it appear so home-like or cosey as 
some well kept farms of the privileged classes in Ire- 
land, or even those of the humbler class of farmers, 
who, with all the disadvantages of "tenants at will," 
yet have something around their homes to bind them to 
the place of their nativity. 

I arrived in Dieppe on a market day, but found I had 
not much time to see this quaint old town, as I would 
wish to do, so I made the best use of the time I had 
to spare. I could not understand much of their con- 
versation, so my inquiries were very limited. 

The first thing that impressed me was the attire of 
the women, there being very few men to be seen. At 
first glance I thought it must be a religious meeting, as 
the women were all dressed alike, or nearly so, the only 
slight difference apparent to me being in the make-up 
of the neckwear or in the material of the dress, but in- 
variably everyone wore the same style of bonnet or 
head dress. There were no filthy or dirty rags to be 
seen anywhere. Cleanliness, temperance and thrift 
seemed to be well observed by these sturdy and com- 
fortable looking people, which impressed me very fa- 
vorably. Good by, La Belle France, may your days of 
peace and plenty long continue. 



52 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER VII. 

After a shaky and disagreeable passage across the 
Channel, I arrived in Newcastle, and took the next train 
for Liverpool, where, after a few little naps en route and 
some occasional stoppages, I arrived and took the next 
steamer for Dublin. 

It was about 8 o'clock on Sunday evening when I 
once more entered my welcome quarters in Trinity 
street. As I had not communicated with my friends 
while in Paris, my unexpected return was agreeably en- 
joyed by all. These friends, of whom I have spoken 
so often, as Mr. and Mrs. K., I had known in New York. 
They left there two weeks before I did. When they 
departed I had no intention 01 loilownig them so soun, 
but did so, as I have explained before, because of a let- 
ter acquainting me of my father's illness. 

On my second visit to Dublin I found time to call on 
a schoolmate of mine, James Grace, and spent that 
Saturday night with him. He had married a school- 
mate of ours, who had been a good wife, but who had 
died a short time before this meeting, and when her 
name was mentioned it caused sadness and sorrow. 

On going to church next morning, while crossing 
Wicklow street, we saw a young lady being assisted 
into a carriage by a young man, at which time I was 
asked by Mr. Grace if I ever intended marrying. I re- 
plied, humorously, "No, I intend to spend a single life ; 
but if ever I do, I should like to wed a young lady like 
the one entering that carriage." 

Walking through) Sackville street next day, who 
should I meet but Mr. K., of New York, who was 
greatly surprised to see me, and who, after I had ex- 
plained my unexpected appearance, welcomed me very 
kindly. He made some inquiries about my intentions 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 53 

for the future, and then advised me to settle down and 
live in Ireland. He said he was disgusted with the 
feeling that was prevalent in America at that time. 
Know-Nothingism was then rampant and directing all 
its venom against the Irish Catholics. I had myself ex- 
perienced some of its disagreeable annoyances, and de- 
plored the fact of such an un-American institution. 
Before we parted he invited me to call and see him at 
his home, which I accepted, promising to call next day. 

The address he gave me was, strange to say, the 
house from which I saw the young lady leaving in a 
carriage the day before. Mr. K. was expecting me, 
and met me at the door. Mrs. K. then came and gave 
me a warm greeting and introduced me to her two sis- 
ters, the younger of whom was the same lady I saw the 
previous day, and I learned that the gentleman who as- 
sisted her to the carriage was her brother, whose ac- 
quaintance I made a few days later. 

Circumstances brought the young lady and myself 
together very often, but the feeling was no stronger 
than mere friendship until my return from Paris. Then 
a new and stronger feeling set in and in a short time 
after we became engaged. 

About this time Patrick Mansfield Delany, of Kilkenny, 
was arrested in that town. He was a prosperous mer- 
chant and also owned and managed a large farm in the 
country. While Delany was in jail awaiting trial (bail 
having been refused), and the Government busy hunting 
up evidence with which to convict him, his harvest crop 
became ripe and ready for the sickle. ( 1 ) 

Haltigan, then the head of the organization in Kil- 
kenny, organized a corps of harvesters, all young men 
and women, who, with Rody Kickham, of Mullanahone, 
at their head, set to work on a Sunday at daylight and 
cut and stacked every blade of grain on the farm, 
so many of them being present that the work was done 

(1) Patrick Mansfield Delany was acquitted, the jury unani- 
mously declaring him not guilty. His good wife died soon 
after and, as he had no family, he sold his property and emi- 
grated to America. He enlisted in the Union army and was 
killed in the first battle in which he took part. 



54 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

in a few hours. There was a banquet arranged for at 
a hotel in the town of Carlow, about eighteen miles dis- 
tant, to which all the leaders of the harvesters were in- 
vited. Through the courtesy of my friend Haltigan I 
was present as a guest, and I have been glad ever since 
I was present, for of all the merry makings I ever at- 
tended, that one eclipsed them all. Never had I seen a 
more jovial set before ; they had the bloom of the harv- 
est on their cheeks, and their eyes beamed with kind- 
ness and love, as if the work they were after accom- 
plishing had surrounded them with a halo of blessed- 
ness. 

Rody Kickham presided and did honor to the occas- 
ion. I had read of King Arthur making merry at the 
round table with his knights, after some chivalrous 
foray, but if he looked more gracious, benevolent or 
condescending than did Rody on that occasion, or bet- 
ter pleased with the patriotism and devotion of his fol- 
lowers, he must have been a divinity. The solemnity 
of the day forbade all excesses of jocularity, therefore 
the dance — the climax of all Irish festivities — was 
abandoned. Sentiment, a little music and a flow of 
good humor filled the place. 

Toward the end of the banquet it was suggested 
that, before we separated, we should go and pay a pass- 
ing tribute at the shrine of the great champion of civil 
and religious liberty, Dr. Doyle, which was close by in 
a neighboring church. All went and knelt at the 
shrine. 

"What didjie do to make him so revered?" asked one 
of the young women on rising from her prayers. She 
was told he was the bishop that was summoned before a 
commission in the House of Parliament in London, pre- 
sided over by Lord John Russell — to find out how far the 
allegiance of the Irish Catholics was extended to the Pope 
— as there was a bill before the House to have the Govern- 
ment pay the Irish bishops and priests a yearly salary 
and thereby have them under its control, and he gave 
all the opposition in his power to the bill. 

He was asked if the bill passed and the Pope should 
command him to accept its terms, what would he do? 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 55 

He answered: "I will remonstrate." 

"And if the Pope would still insist, what then?" 

"I would remonstrate again." 

"But if the Pope determined that you should obey 
the command, what would you then?" 

"I would take off mitre and stole and with the croz- 
ier, hand them back to him, and tell him that no blood- 
stained money will ever pollute my hands." 

After the banquet we parted, hoping to meet soon 
again, each returning to his home. If Patrick Mans- 
field Delany was aware of the high estimation in which 
he was held by his countrymen and the manner in 
which they appreciated his sacrifice in prison, he must 
have been a proud man. 

About this time I secured the position of foreman 
with the firm of Ammermann & Reid, merchant tailors, 
Suffolk street, where I remained until the dissolution 
of the firm, and then went with Mr. Ammermann, who 
had suffered financially in the deal that took place. I 
was now independent to a great extent, but it took me 
some time to pay the many debts I had incurred while 
leading a wandering life. 

During this time, the latter part of '59, our work was 
progressing slowly. Langan's was still our head- 
quarters. James Cantwell came back to Ireland about 
this time, his first appearance since he was obliged to 
leave in '48. He had lived in Philadelphia, and was an 
active member of the Fenian Brotherhood. In Dublin 
he renewed his love for his old sweetheart, who had 
married in his absence, but had buried her husband 
some time before. He married her and became pro- 
prietor of the Star and Garter Hotel, Westmoreland 
street, of which she was sole mistress. 

Cantwell and Stephens did not agree very well, so he* 
fell away from our organization and joined the Young 
Ireland Party. He was always, to my mind, a good, 
sterling man. He was one of my bondsmen when I was 
admitted to bail, Michael Hogan, of Baggot Street Bridge, 
being the other. 

P. J. Smyth, the '48 leader, was a great friend of Cant- 
well's, and I often met him at the Star and Garter. He 



56 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

allied himself with the Sullivans (1), who were still doing 
all in their power to disrupt the I. R. B. Smyth was a 
counsellor at law. He called on my wife after my arrest 
and offered his services to straighten up my business and 
attend to my legal requirements, but Stephens would not 
hear of his being retained. 

The St. Patrick's Brotherhood came into existence at 
this time. Its organization was first publicly announced at 
a Patrick's Day banquet held on Monday, March 18, 
1861, Mr. Thomas Neilson Underwood in the chair. 
After the viands and other good things had been freely par- 
taken of, Mr. Underwood rose and started the oratory 0/ 
the evening. At the close of his speech he pulled a paper 
out of his pocket and read to the assembly the programme 
and constitution of a new National organization which 
would be carried on within legal and constitutional lines. 
He put it for adoption on the spot by a show of hands. 
No time was given to discuss the new idea, to suggest 
amendments or anything of that sort.* 

His friends and men who had been informed in advance, 
located in different parts of the room, led off the applause 
which greeted his announcement and the resolutions were 
declared carried. 

Whatever object they had in the project was not ap- 
parent on the surface, but it served us as a recruiting 
ground, and as it was an open institution to everyone who 
wished to join, we all became members and maintained a 
controlling influence in order to prevent anything detri- 
mental to us being brought forward. 

We were now working among the commercial young 
men of all the big drygoods houses, Cannock & White, 
McSweeny & Delany, and others. James O'Callaghan, 

(1) A. M. and T. D. Sullivan, brothers, were then editors and 
proprietors of the Dublin Nation. They believed in parliamen- 
tary agitation and fought bitterly the formation of the I. R. B. 
Their bitterness was returned with interest, and the Sullivans 
got worsted in the conflict which ensued. They afterwards 
became members of Parliament and took a prominent part in 
the Parnell movement. A. M. Sullivan was admitted to the bar 
and practiced in London, where he died. T. D. Sullivan is the 
author of the National Anthem, "God Save Ireland," and a 
poet of distinction, and is still living. 

* See Appendix IV, Page 164. 



TRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



57 



a young County Cork man, Maurice O'Donohue and 
Frank Dunne, all did fine work and soon had their 
quotas filled up. The last mentioned was a valuable 
aid, as he was liked by all his acquaintances. When- 
ever we had anything' of importance to do, we would 
call an informal meeting and discuss it. 




EDWARD DUFFY. 
(From An Old Daguerotype. ) 



It was at one of these meetings I first met Edward 
Duffy. I happened to occupy the chair. James 
O'Callaghan at this time was a good talker ; in fact, had 
an aptitude for such an accomplishment, if I may use 
that term. In holding forth, he forgot himself, and 
said something which was very uncomplimentary to 
Connaught. 

I called him to order and told him he couldn't mean 
what he said ; that if we wanted a pure and unadulter- 
ated Celt we would have to go to that province to find 



58 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

him. He made the necessary acknowledgement of his 
love for good men wherever they came from, and so 
qualified his remarks that they were acceptable to all. 

When the meeting adjourned, Edward Duffy called 
me aside, and said that he was willing to join us and 
would devote his life to the cause, and he kept his 
promise. After that night he and I were the staunch- 
est friends. After an interview with the "Captain," he 
gave his whole being to the movement, and was the 
medium through which Connaught was organized. 

About this time I started in business on my own ac- 
count in South Ann street, aided by a friend who was 
totally outside the organization. I had for my clients 
some of Her Majesty's most devoted servants. My 
connection with that most conservative house, Ammer- 
mann & Reids, served to throw suspicion entirely away 
from me. I got married about this time, and Duffy, 
who made my place a second home, was happy, as he 
knew all the disadvantages of a life of change. Steph- 
ens considered it a safe place to meet any particular 
person, and availed himself of it on all occasions. 

Kingstown being in the near vicinity of Dublin, was 
practically considered a suburb and was thoroughly or- 
ganized, mainly through the efforts of John Hickey and 
his three brothers. They were engaged in the building 
trade and were all good, true, patriotic men. John was 
the head of the family and a host in himself. He was 
very widely acquainted with men of his craft in Dublin, 
and was the means of bringing a great number of the best 
class of young men into our organization. 

Hugh Brophy was another prosperous young man in 
the same line of business. He was a large employer 
wielding considerable influence among men engaged in 
the building trades. Denis Cromien, a foreman and as- 
sistant architect, was also influential among his fellow 
workers. All were exceptionally good men, working 
night and day for their country's cause, never tiring, never 
sparing their time or means when called on. The work 
went on gloriously and although the greatest care was 
exercised in making selections, membership increased 
rapidly and soon general confidence in the Movement 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



59 



began to assert itself. Thus matters went on until the 
close of 1859. every effort being made to extend and 
solidify the organization, while frequent communication 
was held with America where a serious split had taken 
place in the organization. 




HUGH F. BROPHY. 



6o A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER VIII. 

In the early part of i860, John O'Mahony arrived from 
New York and stopped with his friend James Cantwell at 
the Star and Garter. His coming had been announced in 
advance, and he met the captain (James Stephens) by ap- 
pointment at Langan's. That meeting of the leaders is 
historic, and I was present and shall never forget it. I 
was requested to escort O'Mahony to Langan's, as he did 
not know the way, neither was he prepared for the recep- 
tion which he received from Stephens when he got there. 

Stephens, after the formal greetings were over, asked a 
number of questions ; wanted to know why the organiza- 
tion in America had not been kept together, a unit; he 
wanted to know why O'Mahony and his colleagues had 
not kept their promise to the men in Ireland and had not 
furnished the funds necessary to defray the cost of spread- 
ing the organization, etc. To all of those questions 
O'Mahony failed to give satisfactory answers, whereupon 
Stephens reproached him in words of the most cutting 
sarcasm, telling him of his shortcomings, feebleness and 
insincerity and wound up by reminding him how he, 
Stephens, had dragged him out of obscurity and put him 
in a position he never dreamed of. 

O'Mahony did not answer this terrible arraignment 
and remained sitting while Stephens paced, restlessly, up 
and down the floor. 

Langan and I were the only witnesses present at this 
terrible scene, and it impressed us very much indeed. 
O'Mahony 's conduct toward the organization some time 
before this was really undefensible, and it was plain to 
see he felt deeply humiliated. The interview terminated 
there and I accompanied him back to his hotel. On our 
way back to the Star and Garter he sought my sympathy 
and asked me if I would stay by him. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



61 




COLONEL JOHN O MAHONEV 
President of the Fenian Brotherhood 



62 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

"No," said I, "the man who serves Ireland best will be 
the one I will stay by. I am no partisan and these per- 
sonal jealousies and quarrels must cease. Confidence 
must be restored or the conflicting elements must resign 
and withdraw from the movement." I left him at the 
hotel anything but a happy man. 

He and Stephens met again next day and evidently 
came to some kind of understanding. No one was pres- 
ent at the meeting but themselves. I do not know how 
they fixed up the matter or on what basis the agreement 
was arranged, but I felt such serious breaches as I had 
witnessed are seldom or never made up, and, unfortu- 
nately for Ireland, that breach was never wholly made up 

Shortly after this O'Mahony went to Tipperary and 
from there returned to New York. 

Stephens and Luby went South on a business mission 
after he had left, and remained away some time. This 
was the most successful trip they ever made. It was on 
this trip they met Considine, of Clare, known for his ex- 
ertions in the O'Connell movement. All his patriotism and 
influence in the country was fully utilized in this undertak- 
ing in 1861. During their absence Arthur O'Leary called 
on me on his way to Tipperary. It was one of the Orange 
festival days, I think, the 12th of July. He and I were 
standing in the Glendenning Hotel, Wicklow street, on 
our way out after taking lunch. An Orangeman with 
the regalia of his Order pinned on his breast, pretty well 
under the influence, came in. A young man who after- 
ward turned out to be R , came up to him and kept 

looking at the badge, and after making some inquiries, 
told him such ornaments might do very well in the North, 
but in Dublin they were insulting to most of its citizens. 
He tore off the insignia and threw it out of the door. 

A scuffle ensued, R had some friends with him and 

Arthur interfered, not knowing the cause of the quarrel. 
The Orangeman pulled off his watch and fired it at 

R 's head, but missed and struck the wall close to the 

mirror and it fell in pieces on the floor. Arthur thought 

R was imposing on the Orangeman and wanted fair 

play. A few passes were exchanged between Arthur and 
R . I got between them and an understanding took 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 63 

place, when the Orangeman was put out. All who re- 
mained became friends. This was Arthur's first experi- 
ence after arriving from peaceful Paris. He left for home 
next day, and I never saw him again, as he died a short 
time after, regretted by all who knew him. He was the 
soul of honor, generous, frank and true. We lost a most 
devoted and sincere brother in him. His early death was 
a great blow to his brother John. 

Edward Ryan, College street, Dublin, was a prominent 
member of the St. Patrick's Brotherhood, so was Denis 
Dowling, also Geo. Hopper. Charley and John Hopper, 
the latter's brothers, were also members of it, and be- 
longed to the I. R. B. It was about this time I first met 
Hugh Brophy. He played a most important part in the 
movement up to the time of his arrest. 

Edward O'Donovan (afterward the famous war cor- 
respondent), his brothers John and Willie, Nicholas 
Walsh, artist ; Henry Crowley, also an artist, both mem- 
bers of the Art Institute, Wm. Horan and Martin — a civil 
engineer, joined the organization about this time and 
formed a class or an athletic club, whose meetings were 
held in Great Britain street. J. J. Kelly was also a mem- 
ber of this club. We kept it running for some time until 
suspicion rested on it and then we retired temporarily. 



64 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER IX. 

It was about this time we first heard of the intention 
of the men in California to send the remains of Terence 
Bellew McManus to Ireland for interment.* Stephens 
did not appear to like it, as it was mooted around that it 
would be made the occasion for an uprising when the re- 




TERENCE BELLEW McMANUS. 



mains would arrive in Dublin. However, after all the 
large cities in America had taken it up and finally de- 
cided in carrying it out, he had no other course open but 
to acquiesce and see what we could do in Ireland. Plans 
were made and committees formed, to take charge of the 

* See Appendix VI, P;ilc<-s ll>7-179. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 65 

undertaking and to receive the accompanying delegates 
when they arrived. Our committee was formed of the 
best men we had available, and the result will tell how 
they did their work. 

The St. Patrick's Brotherhood rooms were secured for 
the occasion. The Pope's Brigade was after being dis- 
banded, and we had some members of that body in our or- 
ganization. Among them was Red Jim McDermott, who 
made himself very conspicuous, and was, in fact, one of 
the most prominent of the military staff. The remains 
left San Francisco Aug. 21, and New York in November, 
1861. Nothing happened to mar the proceedings until 
the week before the arrival of the remains. Then the 
Young Ireland party thought they would take a hand in, 
although none of them up to this had desired to be on the 
committee. They now determined to make a stand ; in 
fact, they aimed to take charge of the funeral. 

Everything was working in harmony with us. We had 
control of the committee, delegates were appointed to go 
to Cork to receive the remains from the Cork men, when 
they had duly honored it. The delegates were Hugh Bro- 
phy, Andrew Nolan, Edward Ryan and myself, Joseph 
Deneiffe. The delegates found everything in the best 
form when they arrived in Cork — all under discipline, 
every man at his post ; in fact, the arrangements were so 
complete that they surpassed anything they had seen be- 
fore. 

When the procession began to move the enthusiasm was 
immense, swelling at every step, and awfully profound, 
which could be seen in the eyes of every one you met. 
The women, as usual, outdid the men. They could not 
control their feelings, and consequently, were more osten- 
tatious in displaying what was in them. God bless them. 
Marching along the quays the sight was very imposing. 
Among the shipping was one vessel with the Union Jack 
floating, the only one in sight ; presently could be seen a 
boy climbing up the rigging and in a moment he had 
hauled it down. The grim silence that pervaded the mul- 
titude up to this moment was broken with a tremendous 
cheer all along the line. 

After all had done their duty on that memorable day, 



66 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

the remains were put on the train that waited at the depot, 
and after the Cork men had given it in charge to the Dub- 
lin committee, we departed among the cheers and prayers 
of the truly faithful people. 

There was nothing occurred along the line of railroad 
of any moment until we reached Tipperary Junction, 
where a solemn scene presented itself. A great many 
were kneeling with their heads uncovered. They re- 
mained in silence until the train was about to move, when 
they all arose to their feet and waved a farewell. 

On the arrival at Kingsbridge Station, a great assem- 
blage was waiting, and an escort from the St. Patrick's 
Brotherhood took the remains to the Mechanic's Institute, 
as there was no church in the city that would give it 
shelter for the night. Cardinal Cullen's orders to that 
effect were carried out to the letter. In vain we looked 
around for the Saggarth Aroon, but he was nowhere to 
be seen, (i) 

(1) It is now a recognized historical fact that during the years 
of the Fenian movement England came nearer to lessening the 
influence of Rome in Ireland than during any other period of 
our history since the Norman Pope Adrian sat in the chair of St. 
Peter and issued a Bull authorizing the English to conquer 
Ireland. 

Once the attention of the British Government was attracted 
to the movement, it did not take long to discover that it was 
widespread and numerically very strong. Its members were 
almost entirely of the intelligent, law-abiding class and corre- 
spondingly difficult to coerce. While proceeding against indi- 
viduals, through their legal machinery, with the aid of inform- 
ers, false witnesses, packed juries, etc., they brought all pos- 
sible political influence to bear on Rome, with the result that, 
the Vatican instructed the bishops in Ireland and the United 
States to discourage and denounce the Fenian movement, and 
incidentally, in order to be consistent, all other secret societies 
— social, political, or otherwise. Soon after Fenianism was 
being publicly and vigorously denounced from nearly every 
altar in Ireland and the United States, and its members in- 
formed they would be refused the sacrament of the Church and 
the rights of Christian burial unless they renounced and aban- 
doned the organization. 

Bishops Moriarity, of Kerry, and Duggan, of Chicago, in their 
denunciations of the Fenians, were- the two most conspicuous 
representatives of England in the English-speaking church. 

Bishop Moriarity's notorious anathema, closing with the sen- 
tence, "Hell is not hot enough nor eternity long enough to pun- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 67 

The American delegates were taken to the Shelbourne 
Hotel, where Miss McManus, sister of the deceased, was 
waiting to receive them and offer her thanks to them and 
their American brothers for the great interest taken in her 
brother. 

Soon she was approached by the Young Ireland men, 
who considered themselves the only ones entitled to the 
honor of laying him in his grave, and did all in their 
power to get her to consent to that new, but unreasonable 
demand. After hearing them, she promptly told them 
that the men that disinterred her brother in San Fran- 
cisco and brought the remains such a great distance with 
much labor and expense, were the only ones entitled to 
the honor of the patriotic undertaking. This rebuff did 
not deter the politicians from pushing their claims further. 

The last night he was to remain above the earth was 
the most eventful of any since he was taken out of his 
grave in San Francisco. The coffin was placed on a 
catafalque in the center of the hall in the Institute, and 
the solemnities witnessed by an eager crowd, the American 
delegates standing around the bier with Miss McManus 
close by it during the ceremony. The sight was most 
imposing. Many comments were made on the course the 



ish the miscreants (the Fenians)," will sufficiently explain to 
the present generation what Irish patriots had to contend with 
and endure in Ireland and in the United States in those days. 

Writing on this subject in the Irish World of Jan. 6, 1905, Mr. 
Michael Scanlan, an old-time Chicago Fenian, says: 

"Bishop Moriarity represented, more or less, every bishop in 
Ireland, save the 'Lion of the fold of Judah,' the great Mac- 
Hale, who, when I sent him something over $300 from the 
Fenians of Chicago to help his starving people — money which 
Bishop Duggan refused to transmit, even to save a Catholic 
people, because it was Fenian money — sent his blessing to our 
'great organization' for its timely succor. I cannot call to mind 
a single bishop in the United States who did not re-echo Bishop 
Duggan's denunciations. In fact, with some rare exceptions — 
and these exceptions were mum — the entire Irish hierarchy and 
priesthood in the United States and in Ireland followed the ex- 
ample of Chicago and Kerry. 

"In Chicago, where I then lived, there was one glorious ex- 
ception, the Jesuit Church, presided over by a noble Belgian, 
Father Damien, who welcomed us all to the rights of the 
Church, for which, as he said 'our fathers had suffered so much," 



68 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

clergy took on this occasion, Father Lavelle was the only 
priest present, and he appeared to be as much confounded 
as others at this state of affairs, for all saw plainly nothing 
good could come out of so cold and heartless a proceedure 
on the part of those who professed to be on the side of the 
disconsolate. It would take a great many sermons to re- 
store the reverence and respect lost to the dignitaries who 
failed in their duty on that occasion. 

Stephens and Luby kept away all this time, but on hear- 
ing there was a surprise to be sprung that evening on the 
committee, Luby was on hand and became a member of 
it, as did also all of the American delegation. After wait- 
ing some time in expectation, a knock was heard on the 
door, and the usual response "Come in" was given. 
Father John Kenyon, "The O'Donohoe," John Martin and 
James Cantwell entered. After stating the purpose which 
brought them there, the committee, not being formally or- 
ganized, some one proposed "The O'Donohoe" for chair- 
man. I think it was Father Kenyon. James O'Callaghan 
proposed Maurice O'Donohue, who was elected by a large 
majority. 



and out of which British clerical agents were seeking to drive 
us, as we had been driven from homes and country. 

"I need scarcely say that the power of England is great, even 
in Rome, nor that that power, through all its insidious rami- 
fications, is ever at work to get between Ireland and Rome, 
hoping by some interposition to break down the political faith 
of Ireland, for she knows by this time that she cannot weaken 
or change the spiritual faith of the Irish people. 

"With the very happy results flowing from a united priesthood 
and people, and the very evil results which flowed from the 
union of England and the so-called Irish priesthood — the latter 
the sleuths of the former, as they ever must be when they owe 
their existence and advancement to her — if ever again the priest 
and people of Ireland permit the 'Devil's Advocate,' England, to 
represent them at the Court of Rome, they will deserve, with- 
out pity and with the contempt of all freemen, to become the 
tools of England for ever." 

This political, but unpatriotic attitude of the bishops, explains 
why the remains of Terence Bellew McManus, when brought 
from America to Ireland for interment in Glasnevin, were not 
permitted to rest over night in any Catholic Church in Dublin. 
They were taken to the Mechanics' Institute, where they laid 
in state under a special guard. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 69 

Father Kenyon asked "Who is this Maurice O'Dono- 
hue?" He was duly informed, and Maurice took the 
chair. Then commenced the memorable debate, they 
claiming the right of taking possession of the remains and 
performing the obsequies. This was objected to by our 
side. In opposing it, Luby stood up, radiant with noble 
impulse, and took them to task for their conduct and de- 
nounced their motives for such actions. They stood like 
statues, while he launched his invectives and condemna- 
tion on their heads. It was a complete refutation of all 
their pretensions and worthier of a nobler occasion. Luby 
was grand in his denunciation, his little frame swung 
gracefully to his utterance, he spoke energetically and ani- 
mated with fervor. All stood spellbound during his 
speech. It was Luby's best effort and worthy of a better 
cause. 

"The O'Donohoe" manfully asked to be forgiven for 
the part he had taken. He said he had been misinformed 
and was now convinced that the remains were in safe 
keeping, and the people in charge fully competent to dis- 
charge the duty with honor. They all left except Father 
Kenyon, who put his back against the door and talking 
very excitedly and incoherently said we would not have 
the body in the morning. James O'Callaghan told him 
the days of miracles were passed, and if the remains 
should be taken away, it would be over the dead bodies of 
those who were prepared to guard it. After a little while 
he followed his companions. 

Captain Smith, chairman of the American delegation, 
commended Luby and the committee for the able and 
manly manner in which they had defeated these disap- 
pointed men. 

Colonel Kavanagh, of the San Francisco delegation, fol- 
lowed him. He said if he ever had any doubt of Irishmen 
being able to take care of their native land, that doubt 
was dispelled forever. What he had seen that evening as- 
sured him we were competent to accomplish the end we 
had in view. Oh, what a glorious evening that was; 
what a victory for the despised and lowly people ! 

No further trouble presented itself. All flocked next 
dav to honor the dead. There were guards appointed to 



70 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

watch all night, and, let it he noted Red Jim McDermott, 
Knight of St. Sylvester, late of the Pope's Brigade, was 
captain of the watch ! 

The night passed off quietly up to nine o'clock the fol- 
lowing morning, November loth; every minute after that 
time brought fresh delegations, and about 10 o'clock there 
was a goodly number present, which kept swelling by ac- 
cessions from all quarters. At. the time of starting all were 
drawn up in military array, John Clohissy in command 
and John Healy chief aid. Platoons were formed as wide 
as the streets would permit. The cortege at last began to 
move, and was augmented at every street corner until it 
became about seven miles in length. The sidewalks were 
jammed and the windows all along the route were occu- 
pied. Mourning was displayed in many places. 

The point that commanded the fullest view was at 
Kingsbridge Station, as the full length of the Quays were 
in view before turning into Thomas street. 

Arriving here and passing the spot where Robert Em- 
met was murdered, the sight was very imposing and im- 
pressive — sadly so. All was as silent as the grave he 
sleeps in. As a mark of respect all heads were uncovered 
while passing that consecrated spot. 

Standing on the corner of Parliament street and Cork 
Hill, a spectator remarked at this point that the military 
precision and deportment of the men in line was most pro- 
nounced ; turning round the angle at the Castle Gate, it 
was noticed the movement was as perfect as any of Her 
Majesty's regulars could execute. This was taken notice 
of by the authorities, and gave them to understand that 
such marching could not be accomplished without con- 
siderable practice. 

It was night when the hearse entered Glasnevin Ceme- 
tery. The day was a trying one on all who participated, 
but none gave way under the rain and slush. At the grave 
torches were used, which added to the solemnity of the 
scene. 

Father Lavelle performed the religious rites of the 
church, and made a few remarks appropriate to the occa- 
sion. Captain Smith, the orator of the day, delivered an 
effective and impressive oration. Thus ended a most an- 



IRTSTT REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 71 

spicious day seldom, if ever, equalled for solemnity and 
devotion. 

At the close of the funeral obsequies Stephens was the 
most jubilant man in the city. This great, patriotic de- 
monstration was admittedly an emphatic ratification of the 
work done by the organization and a proof of its strength 
and vigor. It had alarmed and confounded its opponents. 
It showed what men could do> 'when determined and 
united, clinging together, respecting each other, all having 
but one obiect in view and with all abominable prejudices 
swept away. The odious slang "Fardown," "Corkonian," 
"Connaughtman" and "Leinsterman" were heard no more 
as reproaches — all were simply Irishmen and brothers. 
Surely that ought to be commended, as a fact accom- 
plished which the united efforts of all gone before, both 
lay and clerical, had failed to do. The American delegates 
were astonished on beholding the change which had taken 
place within the last decade in Ireland. After a short stav 
in the metropolis, they left for the provinces, and, with 
one or two exceptions, soon after returned to America. The 
demonstration proclaimed the I. R. B. supreme over all the 
land. The Sullivans, the Grays and the prelatists were 
hors-de-combat. The people at last had arisen to the oc- 
casion and saved the honor of the country. 



7-' A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 



CHAPTER X. 

On the 9th of November, 1861, Captain Wilkes in 
command of the San Jacinto, a Federal War steamer 
intercepted the English mail steamer Trent on the 
high seas, and sent Lieutenant Fairfax on board with 
an armed guard which seized and removed Messrs. 
Slidell and Mason, two Confederate envoys on their 
way to Europe, also their secretaries. They were 
taken on board the San Jacinto and conveyed to Bos- 
ton where they were imprisoned. 

This arrest, on the deck of a British steamer on the 
high seas, caused a great commotion in England, and 
for weeks the newspapers were filled with fierce de- 
nunciations of the "outrage" as they called it. Lord 
Palmerston introduced a bill in Parliament giving bel- 
ligerent rights to the Confederates, and an immediate 
demand was made on the United States Government 
for the surrender of the Confederate envoys. 

The excitement extended to Ireland, and as a result 
placards were posted all over Dublin and vicinity an- 
nouncing a public meeting at the Rotunda where lead- 
ing men from all parts of Ireland would express their 
sympathy with the Federals. It was rumored and in- 
timated that a new organization would result from 
this meeting, one that would embrace all shades of 
Irish politics and extend a welcome hand and offer an 
open door to all. 

This rumor reached us and caused some anxiety, 
but, eventually, we came to look upon it as a covert attack 
on the I. R. B. 

The St. Patrick's Brotherhood, with Thomas Neilson 
Underwood at its head, offered all these advantages to its 
members, then why start another organization? We 
looked upon the scheme as a challenge, secret or 
otherwise, to our organization, in fact, we considered 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 73 

the challenge obvious, and decided to meet it As a 
result of our conferences we appointed a working com- 
mittee, of which Thomas Clarke Luby was a very ac- 
tive member, to quietly take charge and control the 
meeting. 

The evening of the 5th of December, 1861, arrived, 
and the doors of the Rotunda were thrown open in due 
time. There was a large number of persons waiting 
for admission and the hall filled rapidly. There were 
about seven or eight hundred of our men on the floor 
and quite a few on the platform. Amongst them was 
Jeremiah Kavanagh, one of the California delegates, 
who had remained behind and was there under instruc- 
tions. "The O'Donohoe" was in the chair, and made 
the opening address which was well spoken and manly 
and was applauded several times. Daniel O'Donohoe, 
better known as "The Donohoe," Chieftain of The 
Glens, was a nephew of Daniel O'Connell, and a man 
of some property. Outside of the Fenian Brotherhood 
he was very popular with the public. Luby was sit- 
ting close to him, and when he resumed his seat en- 
tered into conversation with him. 

The first resolution offered was one of sympathy 
with the Federals, and was carried unanimously. This 
was according to arrangement, as we knew what was 
coming. 

The second resolution was to the effect that a new 
patriotic organization be formed which should be open 
and above board, and embrace all classes. Before a 
vote could be taken on this, Jeremiah Kavanagh of- 
fered an amendment to the effect that a committee be 
first appointed to report on the business aspect of the 
question, whether the crisis demanded it. 

This amendment was carried unanimously because 
our people dominated the meeting. P. J. Smyth spoke 
to the resolution in a very nice speech, followed by 
Thomas Neilson Underwood, T. D. Sullivan, and I 
think, Martin A. O'Brennan. Each did his best,and 
there were no slurs thrown at any one. T. D. Sulli- 
van appealed to the audience to be guided by the 
counsels of harmony and peace invoked by the mem- 



74 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

ory of Emmet's bleeding body in Thomas Street, etc. 

That was really a very remarkable meeting to say 
the least of it. The masses knew nothing of what was 
going on under the surface, and were simply carried 
away by the enthusiasm evoked by the first resolution 
and the speeches made in favor of it. The whole affair 
was very cleverly handled, and demonstrated clearly 
what could be accomplished- by a well disciplined or- 
ganization properly and intelligently directed. 

During the meeting in the Rotunda, Luby found 
opportunity to make an appointment for "The O'Dono- 
hoe" to meet the Captain (Stephens). This meeting 
took place soon after, but nothing came of it. He 
had told some of our friends that he would like to 
join us, but after his interview with Stephens he aban- 
doned the idea altogether. It was thought Smith 
O'Brien had influenced him against joining, but, in 
any case, Stephens did not think much about them 
and refrained from making advances. The O'Dono- 
hoe soon perceived that the control of the ^committee 
had passed from him, therefore he refrained from at- 
tending meetings and eventually withdrew from the or- 
ganization. Stephens and Luby started out on an im- 
portant mission in the southeast, and after a short time got 
stranded in Clonmel, where a remittance was sent which 
brought them back to Dublin. 

The attitude of the Irish press, with the exception of 
Dennis Holland's "Irishman," was at this time most 
annoying. For some unknown reason it was pro- 
nouncedly antagonistic, and undoubtedly retarded and 
delayed our work. 

After the return of the American delegates they at- 
tended meetings in various cities where they told of 
their experiences. In Philadelphia a monster meeting 
was held at which Col. Michael Doheny discussed the 
Trent affair, and took occasion to show up the ob- 
structionists at the McManus funeral and how they 
got their desserts. A printed report of the meeting 
was sent us in pamphlet form. The Dublin papers 
also printed reports of the affair. The Sullivans, nat- 
urally, were disappointed at the failure of their party 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 75 

to control the McManus funeral, and considered their 
prestige had been injured and their pride hurt. 
Taking advantage of the discussion which en- 
sued in the newspapers, they issued a pamphlet 
in which they attacked Luby and were again 
guilty of "felon-setting." "The Irishman" was 
the only paper which had a good word to 
say for us. Dan McCartie published a letter in it 
addressed to Smith O'Brien. Rossa and Charles Kick- 
ham also published letters reflecting severely on Sulli- 
van. Kickham's letter was very severe and irritated Sul- 
livan so that he entered suit for libel against Denis Hol- 
land, publisher of "The Irishman," and received a verdict 
awarding him damages. This was the condition of af- 
fairs in Dublin in the winter of '61-62. Our position be- 
tween the Government on one side, and hostile political 
opponents on the other side, required, patience, fortitude 
and perseverance all the time. 



76 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XL 

About this time John Devoy (i), appeared on the 
scene in Athy. He had served some short time in the 




JOHN DEVOY. 



(1) John Devoy returned to Ireland in 1862 from Algeria, 
where he had served a brief term in the French foreign legion. 
He settled in Athy, where he secured employment and became 
connected with the local Circle of the I. R. B. He wrote some 
Letters to the "Irish People," but his real service to the organ- 
ization began after the arrests in 1865, when he succeeded 
Roantree (who had succeeded Pagan O'Leary) in the work of 
organizing the British soldiery. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 77 

French Foreign Legion, and had returned to Kildare. 
He and James J. O'Kelly had joined the French serv- 
ice in order to become expert in military matters. 
O'Kelly, while in the French army, was sent to Mex- 
ico at the time Napoleon tried to establish Maxamil- 
lian as emperor of that country. Bazaine was then 
commander-in-chief of the French forces. After being 
taken prisoner by the Mexicans, O'Kelly made his 
escape at the risk of his life and, after a perilous jour- 
ney through an unknown and untravelled country, got 
into Texas and afterwards to New York. Later he 
secured a position on the New York Herald. His ex- 
ploits in Cuba as special correspondent for that paper 
were full of adventure. He is now a member of Parli- 
ment. 

During the year 1862 Stephens remained in Dublin, 
receiving visits from our country friends and direct- 
ing them in their work. In this year we lost a staunch 
and true friend, Col. Michael Doheny. He was the 
first man in America I spoke to about joining the Em- 
met Monument Association. I had many opportuni- 
ties of seeing and knowing him intimately. While on 
my second mission to America I lived in his home for 
over a month, where John O'Mahony visited nightly. 
It was with O'Mahony, on one of these occasions, I 
first met P. J. Meehan, editor of the "Irish American." 
During this time I had good opportunity of knowing 
the Colonel, and can truthfully say that, among all the 
men I have met before or since, I never knew one 
more constant and true to Ireland. It was Col. Do- 
heny who kept the fire aglow from '48 until he saw it 
in full blast in '61. 

It was at this time, owing to British influences ex- 
ercised at Rome, that the altar denunciations com- 
menced. Our organization was banned and its mem- 
bers refused the rites of the Church. This mingling 
of politics and religion was intolerable to a great many 
good Catholics, and I knew a great many who felt 
grieved that such a misunderstanding should exist, 
still there were many patriotic priests who stood by us. 

The year 1863 opened very gloomy. Want of money 



/8 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

almost caused suspension of all work. There was a 
great strain on a few in Dublin at this particular time. 
It was deemed necessary for Luby to go to New 
York with instructions to stir up John O'Mahony, and, 
if he found it necessary, to suspend him ; Luby was 
too mild a man for the mission, and, as his power was 
discretionary, he did not utilize it, but left O'Mahony 
to pursue his ambitious policy. 

At this time I was located in St. Anne Street in 
business for myself. Over my shop, or store as we 
call it in America, I had fitted up an apartment for 
myself — a sort of bachelor's hall. It was here Ste- 
phens kept his appointments with his Provincial 
friends, in fact, it was his headquarters. It was a very 
handy place for many purposes, and was a special ren- 
dezvous for my own particular friends : Hugh Brophy, 
Andrew Nolan, Edward Duffy, Wm. Horan, Edward 
O'Donovan and his brother John, Henry Crowley, 
Nicholas Walsh, Bernard O'Connor (who occupied the 
top floor), and Pagan O'Leary. 

My tailoring business threw off suspicion, and my 
former employment with one of the most conservative 
business, houses in the city left no chance of a doubt re- 
garding my being a loyal citizen. Up to the day of my ar- 
rest there was not a whisper of suspicion, notwithstanding 
the fact that it was here almost all the American offi- 
cers and men were sent by John O'Mahony to report 
with their certificates and commissions, which were in- 
variably torn up and burned to the chagrin of a great 
many. 

We had, at this time, an engineering school on Ste- 
phen's Green, with all the necessaries and appliances 
for such an institution, links, chains, theodolite, etc.. 
etc. This school was attended by the above mentioned 
persons. Martin was the instructor; none were ad- 
mitted but the most conservative and capable men. 
Martin took us out frequently to the suburbs to teach 
us the rudiments of civil engineering. We objected 
to carrying the theodolite which used to embarrass us, 
but he insisted on its use-, and at night we worked out 
the problems given to us. This useful school con- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 79 

tinned and was never disturbed until my arrest. Then 
Nicholas Walsh, as soon as he heard of it, had every- 
thing removed and concealed that had any value. 

Luby returned in July after visiting Colonel Cor- 
coran and others in the United States. He brought 
back about one hundred pounds, some of which was a 
personal gift to the Captain. He did not seem to be in 
great spirits, on the contrary he had the blues and a 
very severe attack of bronchitis. The Captain was 
not satisfied with the small sum sent him. His inac- 
tivity while Luby was away, together with the report 
of serious dissensions in America brought by the lat- 
ter, put all the Dublin centres in doubt with regard to 
the management of our officers. Stephens went south, 
and during his absence this dissatisfaction increased 
and became outspoken, so much so that Luby informed 
him and was ordered to call a meeting and find out 
the cause. If they wanted him to return he would do 
so, but that would interfere with an important news- 
paper project which he then had in contemplation. 
This Luby told us at the meeting which followed and 
at which he read Stephens' letters. The meeting did 
not amount to anything. 

Luby, when in America, visited Father O' Flaherty, a 
patriotic pastor at Crawfordsville, Indiana. After 
leaving Father O'Flaherty, Luby visited Chicago, 
where he met Michael Scanlan, the Centre, who after- 
ward became one of the most prominent members of 
the Roberts or Secessionist party. There Luby also 
met Henry Clarence McCarthy, who was afterward 
sent to Ireland to take charge of the goods donated fo" 
the great Fenian Fair at Chicago. 

Father O'Flaherty came to Ireland in 1863 on a visit, 
when I had the great pleasure of meeting him and 
spending a few days in his company. He was a man 
of fine personal appearance, dignified and courteous 
and of a most amiable disposition, but his love of Ire- 
land far exceeded all his other characteristics. After 
spending a day in the County Wicklow with him, I 
learned how intensely he was imbued with this feeling. 
I remember we visited the Glen of the Downs and that 



80 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

he was enraptured with its beautiful scenery. We 
stopped at the "Half Way House" and had some re- 
freshments, while he enjoyed the beautiful prospect, 
than which there is none fairer. 

We visited Powerscourt Waterfall, where a party of 
tourists were making merry and enjoying themselves 
amid the beautiful scenery. They were accompanied 
by a local musician who knew how to cater to the 
lovers of nature. The "Coulin" was evidently a favor- 
ite air with him, for he rendered it with a pathos and 
feeling- which, mingled with the cadence of the falling 
water, sounded like an enchanted lullaby to a weary 
traveler. 

On leaving the Waterfall, a few steps brought us to 
a turn in the road from which point the famous Sugar- 
loaf Mountain was in plain sight, its stately form ap- 
parently blocking up the passage formed by the green 
wooded slopes at either side of us. It was mid-day, 
bright and warm, with the sun in the South while we 
were walking in a westerly direction so that we saw 
the graceful mountain clearly outlined in its entirety 
against the clear sky. The beauty, magnificence, and 
impressiveness of this scene evoked from him a burst 
of praise for its great designer. After gazing at it for 
some time, he said, slowly, "Let us go, we have had 
enough enchantment for one day ; I shall carrv this 
scene in my memory forever." 

We returned to the city, and that evening he was 
introduced to the Dublin Centres, whom he addressed 
in the most fervid manner, encouraging them in the 
good work in which they were engaged, and calling 
down a blessing on their efforts. Among those pres- 
ent was Pagan O'Leary, whose better feelings were 
thoroughly aroused, and, when leaving, no one among 
them shook the good man's hand more warmly than he. 

Because of his outspoken advocacy of the Cause in 
Ireland and in Indiana, Father O'Flaherty, on his re- 
turn, was severely censured by his bishop, which may 
have had some effect upon him, although it did not 
lessen his zeal. We were all deeply shocked and 
grieved on hearing of his death in his own parish at 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 81 

Crawfordsville, about three months after. His loss 
was deeply regretted, as Indiana at that time was con- 
sidered the Banner State of Fenianism. 

Stephens returned early in September and called a 
special meeting- of the Centres. He regretted there was 
any dissatisfaction, and wished to know the cause. 
Hugh Brophy told him plainly there was an apparent lack 
of activity on the part of the Executive, and that pro- 
gress had practically come to a stand-still. He was 
proceeding when Stephens interrupted him and said 
we should go into the business in a regular way. He 
placed a sheet of paper before each one and told them 
to write down their grievances. They could express 
their feelings better than they could write them, there- 
fore this plan succeeded in stopping any further talk 
on the matter. Bernard O'Connor got on his feet in 
a hasty manner and objected, telling Stephens he was 
arrogant and set too high an estimate on himself and 
was becoming intolerant. He then took up his hat and 
left the room. 

It was considered by a majority of the Centres that 
they had gained their point, as they showed the Cap- 
tain they were dissatisfied with the passive way he 
took matters, and that was all they wanted to do at 
that time. I happened to know that they also desired 
to have some provision made for the direction of the 
organization in case anything might happen to Ste- 
phens. He seemed to be aware of that, and announced 
his intention to make Luby Lieutenant of Ireland. 
This was in itself the cause of a friendly smile from all 
in the direction where Luby sat, as we all liked him 
and knew him well. Why the Captain sprung this on 
the meeting no one could understand, except the mo- 
tive was to please and compliment Luby. After con- 
sidering the matter, next day Luby refused to accept 
the honor. 



82 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XII. 

The idea of publishing a weekly newspaper in Dub- 
lin, through the medium of which he could reach the 
great mass of our people, was one that appealed to 
Stephens' fancy in the strongest manner. He saw in 
it a quick method of communicating with the organi- 
zation, together with a prospect of its becoming a pow- 
erful medium for propaganda work with results 
which could not be secured so effectively, so directly 
or cheaply in any other way.* 

While the Captain was most enthusiastic regarding 
this scheme, yet there were few of the Dublin Centres 
who fully approved of it. They somehow felt it would 
ultimately bring us into trouble, in fact, that was the 
sentiment which generally prevailed in the minds of 
the most influential and most far-seeing of our men. 
Our objections, however, were overruled and set aside 
by the overwhelming support given the project by the 
men in the south and southeast. 

Stephens, as I have said, was enthusiastic regarding 
the enterprise, and finally succeeded in launching "The 
Irish People" on the 28th of November, 1863, our mis- 
givings being somewhat allayed by the confidence we 
had in the men in whose hands it was placed. 

John O'Leary was brought from London to take 
charge of the editorial department, with Chas. J. Kick- 
ham, Denis Dowling Mulcahy and Thomas C. Luby 
on the staff. John Haltigan was the printer and Rossa 
and James O'Connor had charge of the business office. 
All of these were tried men, and were all active work- 
ers in the organization with one exception, John 
O'Leary, who never formally joined, but who, never- 
theless, was honored by all who knew him, and those 
who knew him intimately were well pleased to see 
him in control. He attended exclusively to his edito- 

* See Appendix VII, Pages 179-181. 




THOMAS CLARKE LUBY. 
DENIS DOWLING MULCAHY. JOHN O'LEARY. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



83 



rial duties and let the other departments take care of 
themselves. (1) 

All the precautions taken before this to mystify the 
Government and throw spies off the scent were now 
ignored. Rossa was now in charge of the business 
office, but among the very many good qualities which 
he possessed lacked the keen business tact necessary 
for such a position. His geniality and big heartedness 
overcame his love for order and carefulness. From the 
start the office became a lounging place for anyone 




CHARLES J. KICKHAM. 



(1) O'Donovan Rossa was the business manager, and James 
O'Connor his assistant. The latter was arrested and sentenced 
to seven years' penal servitude. After his release from prison 
he became sub-editor of the Dublin Irishman and is still con- 
nected with the Irish National press. He is at present a mem- 
ber of Parliament and prominent in the United Irish League. 



84 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

who wished to take advantage of it. At first none but 
the curious, inquisitive, and those who had otherwise 
good intentions were continually around, but soon we 
saw detectives hovering around like birds of prey. 
The Castle birds were known to all. 

The year of 1863 was a memorable one in our or- 
ganization. It embraced Luby's first visit to the 
United States, in February, Langan's death, Stephens' 
marriage, the birth of "The Irish People" newspaper, 
and Luby's return on July 6th. 

The death of Peter Langan was felt and lamented 
all through the organization in America and Ireland, 
but it was only those in close contact with him who 
felt the real loss of such a good, sterling, patriotic man. 
Those who visited him in the early days of the organi- 
zation, from '55 to '57, when his home was the only 
place to meet, went away rejoicing that they knew 
such a man. He was one of the links that connected 
the '49 movement with the I. R. B. 

The marriage of Stephens to Miss Hopper in the 
summer of 1863, was an event that pleased very few 
of his real friends and those who knew his ideas on 
that important subject, or at least his expressed opin- 
ion on the marriage state, looked upon It as a selfish, 
foolish proceeding. 

After a while he decided that he required a house in 
one of the suburbs, and after a search fixed on Fair- 
field House, Sandymount. I had to see about his get- 
ting possession of it, and rented the place in the name 
of "Mr. Herbert." It was just the place for a man 
with Stephens' tastes, as it was enclosed with a wall 
all round, had a greenhouse, and all the appointments 
necessary for a gentleman of moderate income. 

Hugh Brophy and myself were the only ones who 
knew of this retreat except his wife's family, the Hop- 
pers. I will have to speak more of this retirement fur- 
ther on, but I must remark here that Stephens was an 
ardent horticulturist and had a place then to please 
his fancy and spared no means to gratify that whim. 
He tilled it, lived very quietly, and never went abroad 
except on some matter of very great importance. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



85 



George Hopper, his brother-in-law, and, in fact, all the 
Hoppers were reliable people. The most important 
meetings were held in George's house in Dame Street. 
Denis Cromien was an active member of the build- 
ing trade. He was superintendent of John's Lane 




DANIEL H. GLEASON. (1) 



Church, which was in course of building at this time. 
He had a fine lot of men under him, all of whom had 
been made members of the I. R. B. Among them was 



(1) Daniel Gleason emigrated to America after the failure of 
the Movement in '67. He at first settled in New York, but In 
1872 removed to Chicago, where he became a power in politics. 
He was the candidate of the Democratic party for several im- 
portant positions, and on one occasion came within a few votes 
of being elected to Congress. On another occasion he was ten- 
dered the Democratic nomination for Mayor of Chicago, but 
declined. He was always an ardent worker in the Irish cause 
and a man of the most genial and kindly nature. He died in 
Chicago a few months ago. 



86 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

a young Tipperary man named Dan Gleason, and 
Michael Malone, a cousin of the Captain, and a young 
man from Kilkenny, James Lawless. They had a drill 
room where drilling went on every night. The risk 
becoming too great, on the suggestion of Dan Glea- 
son, they all joined the Dublin militia, where they 
could drill without fear. Dan, under Capt. John Kir- 
wan, became their instructor, for which a former ex- 
perience in the Tipperary militia thoroughly qualified 
him. They became very proficient in the manual of 
arms and such other requirements as the service de- 
manded. Dan appeared later on in the seizure of "The 
Irish People." 

"The Irish People" was being issued regularly, but 
up to this was not bringing in enough to pay expenses, 
although it had a fine circulation. Most of its sub- 
scribers had already advanced money to put it on its 
feet, and the returns were slim. These facts were pa- 
tent to a few of us in Dublin — to Hugh Brophy, An- 
drew Nolan and some others. (3) 

(3) Hugh Brophy was among the Irish prisoners who, with 
John Boyle O'Reilly, D. B. Cashman and others, were sent to 
Australia. After his pardon Brophy settled in Melbourne, 
where he is now a prominent builder. Andrew Nolan and his 
brother John are long since dead. John Nolan took Stephens' 
place while he was in prison. He emigrated to America and 
died in Kansas City, where a monument has been erected to 
his memory, 



IRISTI REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

In order to extend the Fenian organization in Amer- 
ica special organizers were sent out who made it their 
business to visit all cities and towns containing an 
Irish population, where they held meetings and or- 
ganized Circles from which, in course of time, other 
Circles started. Sometimes military companies were 
formed and equipped, which in time became proficient 
in military tactics, ready to take the field for Ireland 
when opportunity should offer. The enthusiasm and 
energy displayed in Chicago was something remarka- 
ble, and early in 1864 they decided to hold a grand 
Fair or Bazaar in that city, the proceeds of which were 
to be handed over to the Fenian Brotherhood. 

In furtherance of their design circulars were sent 
everywhere at home and abroad asking for donations of 
merchandise and goods of any and every description which 
could be disposed of at the Fair. 

"The Irish People" printed the appeal, and offered 
to receive and ship to Chicago any articles that might 
be donated to the Fair by people in Ireland. 

A young Chicago man, named Henry Clarence Mc- 
Carthy was sent to Dublin to the office of "The Irish 
People" to receive and ship the goods donated to the 
Fair. This young man impressed in the most favorable 
manner all the Centres and others with whom he came 
in contact. 

. They all liked him, as he was of mild disposition, 
genial deportment and possessed a very pleasing man- 
ner. His father and himself were born in the United 
States, his grandfather was born in Ireland. He pos- 
sessed more of the American traits than any we had 
met up to this. There was no spread eagleism about 
him ; on the contrary, he was modest, unselfish, practi- 
cal, and business-like in everything, but a pronounced 



88 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

and determined revolutionist all the time. He ex- 
pressed himself disgusted with the way business was 
being done in the office of "The Irish People," and 
asked me to help him pack the contributions to the 
fair. I listed them while he put them away in boxes, 
and before we got through I shared his feelings with 
regard to the condition of the office. 

Edward Duffy was absent much of the time, 
mostly in the West, where he was doing good work as 
an organizer. John Nolan was equally successful in 
the North. These two men were fine propagandists, 
and had both given up lucrative positions to spread the 
light. Andrew Nolan, John's brother, whom I have 
before mentioned, was also a successful organizer. He 
was a traveller for a large hardware house in Thomas 
street, Dublin which gave him a splendid opportunity 
of spreading the organization through Carlow, Kil- 
dare, and the adjoining counties. 

John Morris, for whom a large reward was offered in 
1865, was a native of Myshal, County Carlow. He was, 
I think, a relative, or if not, a close personal friend of 
Andrew Nolan and of John his brother. He was a sur- 
veyor and was employed as such in his neighborhood, 
and usually called on me in Dublin whenever his busi- 
ness brought him there, consequently I saw a good deal 
of him and was delighted with him. He joined the 
movement through Andrew Nolan, and was one of his 
best men. He had his section of Carlow well in hand, 
his profession and wide acquaintanceship giving him a 
large scope, and bringing him in contact with the most 
prominent people of the district. Carlow at this time 
was like one of the northern counties, very conserva- 
tive and, in a sense, was considered the special domin- 
ion of Colonel Bruin (O'Connell's great adversary), 
and Squire Cavanagh of fox-hunting fame. These two 
landlords had their estates well garrisoned with police, 
and had their tenantry pretty well terrorized and sub- 
dued. Colonel Bruin cleared his estate after the elec- 
tion in which O'Connell opposed him as member for 
the county. His tenants having all voted for O'Con- 
nell, he dispossessed every man of them. I remember 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 89 

the occasion very well, as all the poor fellows and their 
families were lodged in Smithwick's Brewery, Kil- 
kenny, until means were found to send them to Amer- 
ica. This event took place in the Repeal of the Union 
times, but the people never forgot the useless sacrifice 
that was made, and the heartless wholesale eviction 
and exodus remains to this day without a parallel in 
the history of the county. Such was the vineyard that 
John Morris worked in until he was obliged to fly. He 
is now in Chicago, father of a large family, all doing 
well, and, as I can vouch, the same sterling fellow he 
was in his younger days. 

Patrick O'Leary, who professed to be a pagan and 
was known as"Pagan"0'Learv, had charge of the men 
engaged in winning over and organizing soldiers in 
Her Majesty's service who were flocking into the or- 
ganization daily. He did wonderful work up to the 
time of his arrest. He was a unique character, and had 
no compeer and, although he professed himself a pagan, 
did not altogether forget Christian customs. He was 
a pronounced temperance man, and would share his 
last shilling with any poor person who might excite his 
pity in the streets. I knew him to take a poor barefoot 
woman he met in Grafton street into a shoe shop and 
buy her a pair of shoes, and after that bought her a 
couple of pairs of stockings. The same evening he had 
to borrow some money until he got his pay at the end 
of the week. Take him all in all he was a most worthy 
man. 

He was arrested in "The Irish People" office at the 
time of the seizure, and when brought before Magis- 
trate Strong insisted on keeping his hat on. When 
ordered to take it off he told the magistrate he would 
not. The justice remonstrated with him, and told him 
it was a custom and a compulsory one in courts of jus- 
tice. 

"No matter," said he, "General Juarez, in Mexico, 
told me at one time never to take off my hat to any one 
until I met the Lord of Heaven, and I have not met 
him yet." 

A policeman removed his hat. 



go A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

^ William Roantree of Leixlip, late of the United 
States Navy, was very active in the movement. He 
was a daring, dashing fellow with a splendid physique, 
full of ardor and a favorite with all the boys. He was 
a constant caller at my place and I a frequent visitor at 
Leixlip. His father was a victualer, and was respected 
by all throughout the country round. William, full of 
energy and hope, threw himself actively into the work 
and became one of the best organizers. His re-appear- 
ance and presence in the village was not at all pleasing 
to the parish priest, although his family and himself 
were regular attendants at his church, and were all of 
them exemplary subscribers to the Catholic faith. Bill 
wore his beard full and long with a mustache to 
match, but for some unknown reason his reverence did 
not like the cut of his jib. One Sunday this priest sur- 
prised his congregation by some remarks in the course 
of his sermon which Bill thought were directed towards 
himself. His Reverence alluded to returned Americans, 
wearing a badge of impudence under their noses and 
an independent swagger in their gait, etc. As Bill was 
the only one in the village who had been to America, 
no one could be mistaken regarding the person who 
was meant. His sister was with him in the pew, and 
was greatly mortified with these remarks. The priest 
had, on former occasions, touched on the subject, but 
this time he was pointed — almost personal. 

The priest was a young man, robust and domineer- 
ing, and Bill called on him, determined to have an ex- 
planation, as he was wrathy at the insult. His rever- 
ence said he did not have him in his mind when he 
made use of the expressions, and was sorry that Bill 
had imagined they were intended for him. In other 
words, he backed down. He lost some of his parishion- 
ers who, I heard afterwards, went elsewhere to attend 
their devotions. 

General Millen arrived from New York about 
this time, sent by John O'Mahony. He claimed 
to have earned his spurs under Juarez in Mexico. 
Also at that time Col. Denis F. Burkef Colonel Kir- 
win, Colonel Byron, and several other American offi- 

* See Appendix LXXX VI, Page 284. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY RROTHERIIOOD. 91 

cers reported. They had no special duties to perform 
that I was aware of. General Halpin was in the batch. 
He had been assigned to the duty of inspecting the 
enemy's forts, barracks, etc. I remember going with 
him on one of those occasions to Mullingar, where we 
spent one entire day, taking notes, etc. 

Finally Col. Thomas Kelly (i) came at a time when 

(1) Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, the Chief of the Military Depart- 
ment in 1865, was born in Mount Bellew, County Galway, in 
1833. His father belonged to the farmer Class and brought up 
his son for the priesthood. On that account he received a better 
education than usually falls to the lot of farmers' sons. 

After a time the young man found he did not have a voca- 
tion for the church, so he was apprenticed to the printing trade 
in Loughrea. Finding his prospects in a country town some- 
what circumscribed, he came to New York when he was eigh- 
teen years old, where he joined the Printers' Union and soon 
secured employment. He took an active part in the proceed- 
ings of the Emmet Monument Association. On the recommen- 
dation of some friends he went to Nashville, Tenn., in 1857, 
where he founded a paper, which he had to abandon at the 
breaking out of the Civil War. 

On his way North to join the 69th Regiment he heard of the 
enrollment of the 10th Ohio, an Irish regiment, which he joined 
as a private. He rose to the rank of captain and was for a 
time Chief Signal Officer with General Thomas. Having been 
severely wounded and his health impaired, he was invalidated, 
but became identified with the Fenian Brotherhood and was 
sent to Ireland as the first military envoy. His interview with 
Stephens in Ireland was satisfactory to both parties and 
Stephens soon learned to place implicit confidence in Captain 
Kelly. He was deputed to make an inspection of the condition 
of the I. R. B. in the Provinces and to report on them to Steph- 
ens on his return. His report was fully satisfactory. He ex- 
pressed himself as amazed at the ramifications of the Broth- 
erhood in Ireland and could not believe it had he not seen it 
for himself. 

He was employed in various offices, sometimes in visiting 
circles in various parts of the country, at_ other times assist- 
ing Stephens in the executive management of affairs at home. 

On the arrest of James Stephens, Captain Kelly took tem- 
porary charge of affairs and managed all the plans for Steph- 
ens' escape. He met Stephens on the outside of the prison, and 
later accompanied him to Paris, where both arrived safely. 
Stephens left his home in Dublin on an open car undisguised 
and went on board a boat in the Liffey. They spent three 
days beating about in the channel, and owing to adverse winds 
were at one time driven into Carrickfergus Bay. They ulti- 



92 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 



the Captain and Luby were out of town* His mission 
was to closely examine the strength of our forces and 
resources, and report to O'Mahony ; thus the dilly-dal- 
lying was kept up while there was no actual revolution 




COLONEL THOMAS J. KELLY. 
Reproduced From "The Irish People." 



mately reached a port in Scotland, spent a night in Kilmarnock, 
rode in the mail train to London next day, slept that night in 
the Palace Hotel, not far from Buckingham Palace, and 
started next morning by train from Victoria Station for Dover, 
whence they crossed to Calais in safety. 

In 1865 after the War of the Rebellion many Irish-American 
officers went to Ireland prepared to participate in the uprising 
which they had been led to expect was about to take place. 

* See Appendix XI and XII, Pages 186-188. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 93 

in sight. Kelly expressed himself satisfied with what 
he saw, and reported everything O. K. 

Everyone was now at fever heat, and the reports from 
the disaffected military were becoming exciting, as they 
were becoming discontented with delay, and wanted to re- 
volt. An undercurrent of insubordination had been ap- 
parent for some time, for they did not know the mo- 
ment they would get orders to leave Ireland. One reg- 
iment wanted to revolt and take to the Dublin 
mountains sooner than leave, but Stephens told them 
to obey orders and go, we were not ready yet. 

At this time the Pigeon House Fort, near the mouth 
of the Liffey, was held by a friendly garrison, and 
would be placed in our hands when we desired. This 
was the best opportunity which ever presented itself 

The uprising- was planned to take place in 1866, but the move- 
ment proved a failure. Nothing- daunted, the leaders planned 
another for March 5 the following year. To obtain arms and 
ammunition for this contemplated rising an expedition was 
projected by the Irish Republican Brotherhood against Chester 
Castle, Chester, Wales, where some 25,000 stands of arms were 
known to be kept in storage guarded by a small body of Eng- 
lish soldiers. 

The plan was well laid and would have been successfully 
carried out were it not for the treachery of John J. Corydon, 
an informer, who notified the authorities and warned them in 
advance, so that when the Irish soldiers reached Chester they 
found the town filled with troops. 

The projected rising was therefore a failure and many of the 
Irish-American officers fell into the hands of the Government. 
Others escaped and scattered through the larger cities in Eng- 
land and Scotland. 

Colonel Thomas J. Kelly was in chief command at that time 
with Colonel Rick Burke in London, and Captain Timothy 
Deasy in Manchester and Liverpool. Colonel Kelly as com- 
mander-in-chief found occasion to visit Manchester to attend a 
meeting of the organization and later, while in company of Cap- 
tain Deasy, both were arrested. They were taken before a 
magistrate and remanded. 

Some days later while being driven through the streets in a 
prison van the vehicle was attacked and the prisoners rescued. 
In breaking open the van a policeman on guard inside was acci- 
dentally killed for which three men were afterwards hanged. 
Kelly and Deasy escaped in safety to America. Colonel Kelly 
is still living. He holds a position in the New York Custom 
House and resides uptown. 



94 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

for a successful outbreak, but it was allowed to slip. 
The three disaffected regiments stationed in Dublin were 
shortly after sent off, one to Malta, one to Gibraltar, 
and the other to India, disheartened and disgusted. 

At this particular time the Captain, Luby, and 
O'Leary frequently met and consulted with Generals 
Kerwin* Halpin, Millen, Colonel Burke and others, in 
my place. A feeling of dissatisfaction with Stephens' 
management of affairs had sprung up and found ex- 
pression and there were rumors to the effect that an 
effort would be made to remove him.t No matter what 
may be said nowadays in regard to any one being ap- 
pointed in Stephens' place, Luby and O'Leary urged 
him not to yield his position to any one. I heard this 
repeated more than once, (i) 

(1) The members of the I. R. B. who had been led to believe 
that a rising would take place about this time became impa- 
tient at the prolonged and, to them, inexplicable delay, and a 
feeling, or belief, found expression, inside the organization that 
Stephens and O'Mahony had not performed their full duty in 
making the necessary preparations for the uprising, with per- 
haps a faint suspicion that they did not mean to fight. This 
opinion regarding Stephens in Ireland was somewhat strength- 
ened and apparently corroborated by statements made by 
American officers who came to Ireland and reported that 
O'Mahony in New York was also being blamed for the delay. 
As a result of this dissatisfaction it was vaguely rumored an 
attempt would be made to remove Stephens and replace him 
with a more active and aggressive successor. That this feeling 
found expression and gave serious cause for alarm to the 
leaders is proven by the fact that they deemed it necessary to 
call a meeting and pass a vote of confidence in Stephens and 
O'Mahony. 

At that meeting the following paper was drawn up and signed 
by the four persons whose names appear first on the list. The 
other signatures were added later as opportunity offered. 

"We the undersigned local representatives in Ireland, of the 
Irish firm, over the American branch of which John O'Mahony 
has been appointed Supreme Director, — hereby express our un- 
limited confidence in the ability and integrity with which that 
gentleman has conducted our affairs in America; and also 
our admiration of the noble constancy which has enabled him 
to sustain our Interests, unflinchingly, amid the severest trials 
and in the face of the most shameful and unmerited calumny. 

"We also hereby testify, in the strongest manner, our approval 
of the conduct and devotion of James Stephens, in the general 

* See Appendix LXXXV, Page 281. +See Appe ix III, Pages 163-164. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 95 

On July 3, 1865, Captain Patrick Magrath, of Chi- 
cago, arrived in Dublin. With him, and under his 
charge, were Captain P. Tolen, Major Martin Wallace, 
Sergeant Matthew Higgins and Private Owen Cun- 
ningham, all of the Twenty-third Illinois Regiment, 
and Sergt. John Dunne of the Regular Army. Im- 
mediately after landing he reported to me and I in- 
troduced him to Stephens. He was assigned to An- 

management of the Arm, under similar trying circumstances; 
and, finally, we confirm both those gentlemen in the authority, 
originally conferred upon them; and express our unalterable 
determination to stand by them, while they represent us, against 
all their enemies, whether open or disguised — their enemies 
being ours also!" 

1. Peter Langan, Dublin. 

2. Thomas Clarke Luby, Dublin. 

3. Joseph Denieff, Dublin. 

4. Charles Beggs, Dublin. m 

5. James W. Dillon, Wicklow. 

6. Thomas Purcell, Bray. 

7. William Butler, Waterford City. 

8. John Haltigan, Kilkenny. 

9. John O'Cavanagh, Carrick on Suir. 

10. Edmund Coyne, Callan. 

11. Thos. Hickey, Coolnamick, County Waterford. 

12. Denis D. Mulcahy, Jr., Redmondstown, Co. Tipperary. 

13. Brian Dillon, Cork City. 

14. William O'Carroll, Cork City. 

15. Jer. O'Donovan Rossa, Skibbereen, Cork. 

16. Daniel McCartle. 

17. James O'Mahony, Bandon, Co. Cork. 

18. Thomas P. O'Connor, Laffana, Co. Cork. 

19. James O'Connell, Clonmel. 

20. William O'Connor, Grange, Clonmel. 

21. Michael Commerford, Newtown, Carrick on Suir. 

22. Mortimer Moynahan, Skibbereen, Co. Cork. 

23. Eugene McSwiney, Tomes, Macroom. 

24. Denis O'Shea, Kenmare. 

25. Martin Hawe, Kilkenny. 

Accompanying some of the above signatures are marginal 
notes stating they were obtained or attached at various times. 
Thus the names of James O'Connell of Clonmel and William 
O'Conner, Grange, Clonmel, are accompanied by a side-note 
written by Luby stating they were obtained by Denis Dowling 
Mulcahy. The signature of Michael Commerford, Newton, 
Carrick on Suir, is written on a separate note sheet and pasted 
on. He said; "Dear Mr. Luby, I authorize you to sign my name 
to the paper expressing confidence in the devotion and wisdom 



9 6 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

trim, but found that section in a very poor state of 
preparation, Belfast being the only place possessing 
arms in any considerable quantity. Captain Magrath 
was afterwards sent to Kilkenny, where he reported 
to John Kavanagh, then centre of the city, and a 
warm friendship sprung up between the two. Cap- 
tain Magrath remained in Ireland until all hope was 
temporarily abandoned, when he returned to Amer- 
ica, and is now a worthy resident of the City of Chi- 
cago. 

of our leaders James and John." The date is given as August 
8, 1864, which fixes the time. 

The signatures of Mortimer Moynahan, Skibbereen, and Eu- 
gene McSwiney, Tomes, Maeroom, were obtained by Dan Mc- 
Cartie. 

The original with all the signatures attached is at present 
in possession of the Editor of THE GAEL, together with a 
large number of other original documents, papers, letters, etc., 
written by Stephens, O'Mahony, Luby, O'Deary, Kickham, John 
Mitchel , Colonel Kelly and others. 

Towards the end of 1865 John Mitchel was sent by O'Mahony to Paris to 
act as Financial Agent for the Fenian Brotherhood which position he filled 
in a most satisfactory manner.* Some years later he changed his opinion 
regarding the advisability of attempting the freedom of Ireland by physi- 
cal force while England is at piece. + 

* See Appendix XXII, XXXV, XXXVIII, XXXIX and XL. 

+ See Appendix LXXXII, LXVIII. Pages 276-277. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



97 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Matters were in this state when P. J. Meehan of the 
"Irish-American" arrived. As this is a most important 
episode in this narrative, I shall give verbatim the con- 
versations and the circumstances as they occurred. 




PATRICK J. MEEHAN, 
Editor "Irish American." 



I was surprised to hear that Meehan had been sent, as 
I had met him in New York, and knew the antagonistic 



98 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

attitude he had taken towards our organization during mv 
time there. 

One morning - , after I had my shop opened up, a gen- 
tleman and a boy came in, and asked to see the pro- 
prietor. 

"I am the proprietor," said I. 

"Well," said he, "I am P. W. Dunne, from the 
United States, and wish to speak privately with you." 

My salesman and bookkeeper was standing a little 
distance off from us, so I showed Mr. Dunne some 
goods, as if he were about to make a purchase or leave 
an order, and then took an early opportunity to send 
out my man with some bills to collect, so that we had 
the place to ourselves. 

"Now," said I. "you can speak freely." 

"Mr. P. J. Meehan, of New York, is in town, sent by 
John O'Mahony to see James Stephens. I want to see 
Stephens before he does. I want to post him on some 
matters on which he should be well informed. That is 
why I want to see him." 

Mr. Dunne was the leading Fenian in Peoria, Illi- 
nois, and was very influential in Irish affairs in that 
State. I had never met him before, but had heard Ste- 
phens speak of him as one of the best friends he had 
met while in the United States. Mr. Dunne informed 
me that he had been sent to Ireland for the purpose of 
making a personal investigation into the condition and 
strength of the home organization, and if he found it 
as well established and as vigorous as it was repre- 
sented to be, and made a report on his return to that 
effect, then his colleagues would be satisfied and more 
funds would be promptly forthcoming. 

Mr. Meehan came from New York on a similar er- 
rand, but Mr. Dunne believed the Captain should be 
made acquainted with existing conditions in New York 
before he saw Mr. Meehan. I arranged to have the 
Captain meet Mr. Dunne at eleven o'clock, and Mr. 
Meehan at noontime. Mr. Dunne requested me not to 
let Meehan know that I had seen him previously, and 
asked me to receive Meehan in a kindly and cordial 
manner, which I agreed to do, and he then went away. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 99 

Shortly after, to my great surprise, he returned accom- 
panied by Mr. Meehan. I, of course, knew Mr. Mee- 
han, and greeted him cordially, but acted towards Mr. 
Dunne as if I had then met him for the first time. 
After the usual salutations were over, Mr. Meehan 
stated his mission, and further said he had some impor- 
tant documents to deliver. I asked where they were, 
and he said they were in his trunk at the hotel, hidden 
in the back of a brush. I told him he ought to have 
them with him, somewhere about his person, especially 
if they were at all important. 

They both left, and after some time returned again. 
It has been said that Meehan had the papers when he 
first called, and offered them to me. I have no recol- 
lection of ever having seen them. They both went 
away again, and I went and brought Stephens to meet 
them according to appointment. Stephens and I were 
waiting for Mr. Dunne to call at eleven o'clock, when 
to our surprise both Meehan and he came in. Meehan 
came right up to us and exclaimed, ''What shall I do? 
I have lost the documents which I brought from Amer- 
ica ?" 

"Lost them?" said the Captain. "Where?" 

"I don't know." 

At this juncture, James O'Connor came in on some 
business for "The Irish People." Meehan asked the 
Captain to allow O'Connor to go with him to search for 
the papers. 

"No," said Mr. Stephens, "Mr. Denieffe will go with 
you." 

"Now," said I to him," where did you come from to 
my place?" 

"From Westland Row Station. I came in from 
Kingston." 

"How did you come from the station? In a convey- 
ance?" 

"In a covered car." 

"Will you know the man that drove you?" 

"Yes, I think so." 

We went to Westland Row Station, and saw the old 
man that drove him. I opened his cab and searched 



ioo A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 




P. W. DUNNE. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 101 

the cushions, and asked the old man if he had found 
any papers. 

"No sir, there were none found." 

We went to the superintendent's office, and inquired 
if there were any papers found on the trains. He went 
to a pigeonhole desk and looked over it. No, there 
were none found. 

I then decided I would go to Kingstown, and search 
there. As we were going to take the train for Kings- 
town, to continue our search, Edward Duffy was met, 
coming from a train that had just arrived. He saw 
us. I took him aside and told him who the person was 
that was with me, and that we were in search of im- 
portant papers that he had lost. I asked him to fol- 
low us and keep us in sight. Arriving in Kingstown, 
I saw William Roantree going to board a train for 
Dublin. I went to him and told him to see Edward 
Duffy, and he would tell him what to do. 

When we got opposite the Anglesea Arms Hotel 
I noticed Meehan kicking every bit of paper and straw that 
came in his way. I told him if the papers were lost here 
there was a good chance of finding them, as there were a 
great many friends in the place, and that we had detectives 
of our own always on the lookout. 

Soon he noticed Roantree and Duffy following us, 
and inquired who they were. I told him they were 
two of our men. We went up the little street, a cul du sac, 
next to the Hotel, to a house on the end, where he knocked. 
A middle-aged lady opened the door, and asked, "Patrick, 
did vou find them?" 

He told her they had not yet been found. 

"I wouldn't bother with them," she said, "come in 
and make yourself easy." 

"No," said he, "I must go with this gentleman." 

"Must go !" she said. We then came away. The 
lady was Mrs. Nicholas Kelly, his cousin, formerly of 
Limerick, whom he had previously visited and from whose 
house he had come that morning. 

This was all the search that was made. My two 
trusty friends were at the end of the street when Mee- 
han came out, and turned in the direction of the rail- 



ro2 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

road. I signalled them to stop, and when we came 
up to them introduced Meehan. (1) 

(1) P. J. Meehan of New York and P. W. Dunne of Peoria, 111., 
were two of the most trusted men in the Fenian Brotherhood. 
Mr. Meehan was a young man of brilliant parts and was editor 
of the "Irish American," then the leading Irish paper in New 
York City. Mr. Dunne was associated with a Mr. Fuller in 
business in the West and was a prominent merchant. Messrs. 
Meehan and Dunne were sent to Ireland to personally investi- 
gate the condition of affairs there. It is true that many others 
had been sent on a similar errand before, but those men were 
instructed to particularly and critically examine into the stand- 
ing of the organization, the number of men enrolled in the prov- 
inces, their efficiency, quantity of arms on hand, etc., and, if 
on their return their report should be favorable, then the entire 
organization in America, which for some time previous had not 
been entirely harmonious, would unite in sending ample finan- 
cial means sufficient to complete the organization and make 
ready for the rising. In addition to this an elaborate financial 
scheme involving an issue of bonds of the Irish Republic had 
been arranged for and the issue of those bonds depended on 
the report to be made by Messrs. Meehan and Dunne on their 
return to America 

Meehan brought with him certain documents consisting of an 
official letter of introduction from John O'Mahony addressed 
to James Stephens, Chief Executive of the Irish Republican 
Brotherhood, also a draft for £500 ($2,500), which was to be 
handed to Stephens and a letter from O'Mahony requesting that 
O'Donovan Rossa be permanently assigned to the New York 
headquarters. Rossa was returning to Ireland on board the 
vessel on which Meehan and Dunne sailed from New York and 
accompanied them across. 

Mr. Meehan was several days in Ireland before he appeared 
in Dublin, and through some mischance lost the documents at 
Kingstown on the day of his arrival. He said he had brought 
them across concealed in the hollow back of a clothes brush. 
When he got ready to present them he took them out and at 
first concealed them in one of his socks, but not believing them 
safe there removed them and pinned them in his underwear, 
from which they became detached and fell in the street unob- 
served by him. 

The documents were found near the railway station in Kings- 
town by a messenger boy who turned them over to a Miss Char- 
lotte Mitchell, a young woman employed in the Telegraph 
Department, who at the trial testified they were placed in the 
hands of a police inspector who took them to Dublin Castle. 

The loss of those papers, together with the seiz.ure of the 
Irish People newspaper and the arrest and conviction of its 
editors and other employes caused an immense sensation. It 
was undoubtedly a most unfortunate occurrence, but now after 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 103 

Duffy and he walked on together, and Roantree 
walked with me. Roantree had known Meehan in 
New York. too. The first words he said to me were 
that he believed Meehan never lost the papers, and 
to tell the Captain so, and not to let him out of my 
custody. 

"No," said I, "don't fear that. I shall take charge 
of him until the papers are found." 

Stephens was awaiting our return. I told him of 
the fruitless search we had made. After a short par- 
ley, Meehan said he would go, and was in the act of 
doing so when I stopped him and told him he could 
not leave until the papers were found. 

I could see Stephens smile as he walked away. He 
came back after a few minutes and took me aside and 
said : 

"I think it is better to let him go. He has promised 
me to do what is in his power for us." 

From what I could gather from both Meehan and 
Dunne it appeared that all depended on the report 

an interval of forty years it is universally conceded that Meehan 
lost the papers through an excess of care in trying to conceal 
them.* 

James Stephens, at one time, was inclined to severely blame Meehan, but 
he afterwards exhonorated him as far as anything like a suspicion of un- 
faithfulness to Ireland was concerned. Leaving out this episode of the 
lost documents. P. J. Meehan was one of the most unselfish and devoted 
men that ever labored for Ireland. He may have been mistaken in his 
views regarding the invasion of Canada, but his honesty and sincerity can 
never be questioned. Possessing ample means in those days, he devoted 
the bulk of his fortune to the prosecution of the cause he believed in and 
died a comparatively poor man on that account. He died at his residence 
in Jersey City in 1906. Mr. P. W. Dunne, now an honored citizen of Chicago, 
whose son is Mayor of that city can look back with pride on his patriotic 
career. He has always been faithful to Ireland, and though he has been 
engaged many times in his life in business of vast dimensions he was never 
so busy as to forget his native land or to find time to work in its behalf. 
Faithful to the end he is still as ardent and enthusiastic as ever in his de- 
votion to Ireland. 

* See Appendix XCI, Pages 292-"393. 



104 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

which Meehan would make. If favorable the united 
forces of the two sections of the Fenian Brotherhood 
in the United States would join, and give us all we 
desired. The lost documents consisted of a bank draft 
for a large sum and letters of credentials. 

I then asked Meehan not to blame me for the action 
I took in the matter. That up to the present I under- 
stood we were a military organization, and although 
not in the field, we had observed the rules in such 
matters, but I found I was mistaken. What would a 
British general do to an aide who came up to him and 
told him he had lost important dispatches given to 
him by Wellington? He would send him to the 
guardhouse to await court martial. 

Next day P. W. Dunne introduced me to a friend and 
business partner of his. They had some bills of ex- 
change to get cashed, and I took them to the Dublin branch 
of the London bank, where I used to do business and get 
accommodation. 

Stephens arranged a meeting for the next evening 
to hear Median's statement of his case. General 
Halpin, Meehan and P. W. Dunne, Luby, John 
O'Leary, and the Captain himself were present. The 
first three represented the American wing, and the 
last three the home wing. Edward Duffy, Rossa, and 
myself were present, sitting by. 

Meehan stated he had been sent to learn if every- 
thing was according to representation — men, arms, 
organization, etc., and it depended on the report he 
would make on his return, what action the American 
directory would take. If his report was favorable we 
could have all we desired. The meeting broke up 
early next morning. Meehan declared he was fully 
satisfied, and said he would report accordingly. After 
spending a couple of days in Dublin, Meehan and 
party left for the west, Connemara, etc., via Lime- 
rick, where they stopped for a week or so. 

In a few days "The Irish People" was seized, and 
all persons in the office arrested. We learned after- 
wards Meehan's papers were found in Kingstown tel- 
egraph office by a young lady, the daughter of the 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 105 

manager, who handed them over to the castle authori- 
ties* 

All the moneys coming from America were now 
sent to John O'Leary, and the officers and men re- 
ported to General Halpin. Up to a short time before 
this they were all sent to me. Stephens sent a bill of 




JOHN O'LEARY. 

exchange to me by Edward Duffy and asked me to 
have it cashed. I did not look at the bill, but went 
immediately to the bank, and deposited it. These 
bills of exchange had to be sent to London before 
they could be cashed. Two days after I was sent for 
by the cashier of the bank. He asked me if I did not 
know that this was the duplicate bill of exchange, 
that I had already got the first cashed. This cashier 
was not the one I had done business with before, 

* See Appendix XVI, Page 193. 



io6 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

whose name was Manley, and who was in London on 
his vacation. 

I was asked to step into the office. There were 
three gentlemen sitting there. One of them had the 
bill in his hand, and asked me did not I receive pay- 
ment on the first bill of exchange, and why I pre- 
sented the duplicate; the sum being large, how could 
I make the mistake? I told him the money did not 
belong to me, that it belonged to gentlemen I had 
introduced to Mr. Manley, and who had deposited 
some bills of exchange and got some cash. Before 
they left town they requested me to deposit any bills 
that might come to me. I told them if Mr. Manley 
was present he could account for the mistake. They 
talked together in an undertone, and handed back the 
bill. 

"I wish," said I, "you would make some inquiry 
about me. I am well known in the neighborhood," 
and referred them to houses I did business with. 

"We have done so already," said the one who 
handed me back the bill, "and we're glad to find your 
reputation good." 

I came back to my shop. Ed was waiting for me. 
I told him the circumstances and the dilemma in 
which I was placed. He was dumbfounded for a mo- 
ment. "How," said he, "could Stephens make such 
a mistake? It is monstrous and stupid. If it were 
not for ) r our reputation and presence of mind you 
would be held for swindling, and you could not say 
a word for yourself in defense." 

I wrote to Meehan at the hotel in Limerick, where 
he, Dunne, and Fuller were stopping, asking him to 
write me a letter that might clear me if there was 
anything more about the matter, but I never received 
an answer nor my own letter back. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



CHAPTER XV. 



On September 15th, 1865, "The Irish People" news- 
paper was seized by the Government, its type de- 
stroyed, and the editors and printers, ani many prom- 
inent men were thrown into prison. 

There was a great lull in matters at this time. Ex- 
tra precautions were taken. Every suspicious or in- 
criminating- paper was put away, and everything made 
ready for the worst that might follow. 

One day I was out making collections, and was late 
in coming back to my place. Ed Duffy had called, 
and left word that the Captain wanted to see me as 
soon as possible. I went to Fairfield House. The 
Captain asked me where I had been, which nettled 
me a little. He handed me a package and some 
money. 

"Find Captain Jim Murphy," said he, "and give him 
this. Ed was looking for him, but could not find him. 
He must leave to-night for New York. Don't let this 
be found on you, as it is a hanging matter; tell the 
same to Jim." 

He then gave me his revolver in case I was held up. 
I knew what to do. Ed Duffy came with me. It 
was past eleven o'clock P. M. We went to Phibs- 
borough, where Murphy's lodgings were, changing 
cars and dismissing our last one at the viaduct. I had 
Ed to wait here for me while I looked for Jim. It was 
a very quiet neighborhood, and all appeared to be 
asleep. There was no one to be seen. I got to the 
house and knocked on the door, but received no re- 
sponse. Across the street there were a few shade 
trees. A man came from under one of these, and I 



108 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OP THE 

saw another who stayed in the shade. The first man 
came over to me and asked: 

"Did anyone answer?"' 

"No," said I, "they must be all asleep, Mr. 

may not have got home yet," naming the proprietor, 
who was a good loyal citizen. 

I went back to Ed, and the other joined his friend 
under the trees. We went up the steps at the via- 
duct to the canal, and turned in the direction of Phibs- 
boro bridge. Prepared for trouble, I carried the par- 
cel in one hand and my pistol in the other, and told 
Ed to be ready for any emergency. The poor fellow 
was tired, and had not been feeling good for some 
time, and we walked slowly on that account. Soon 
we heard footsteps behind us, and, as the bridge was 
some distance, we thought it best to stand and wait. 
There were no houses along here, but there were 
back entrances to the houses on the street running 
parallel to the canal. Immediately we heard the 
shrill blast of a dog-whistle and thought we were to 
have a tussle, but that was all. It was sounded by 
someone getting in the back way of his house. We 
felt relieved, and walked to the bridge. A poor old 
fellow with a covered car happened to be passing as 
we got on the bridge. He was going home, and at 
first refused to take us up, but he changed his mind 
on being offered double fare. He took us into his 
cab ; poor Ed was used up after climbing the stairs 
and taking the long walk on the canal, and thought 
the cab was a godsend. 

We got at last to Carey's hotel in Lower Bridge 
street, and found our man. Captain Jim, talking to 
Miss Kelly, the young lady who attended there. She 
was a trusty friend of ours, and was Jim's fiancee. I 
delivered my message. Jim said it was hard to go on 
such short notice, but it must be attended to. He left 
that night, and arrived safe in New York with his 
message to John O'Mahony, later he returned to his 
post, as I heard some time after, and married Miss 
Kelly. On that trip from Dublin to New York and 
back Captain Murphy made the quickest time on 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 109 

record for that period. Murphy was a brave man, and 
remained faithful to the last. He died a few years 
ago in New York. (1) 

We returned to Stephens and reported, and after 
seeing Ed Duffy in safety I went to my home. It 
was then past two o'clock in the morning. My wife 
was waiting up for me somewhat excited. She told 
me there were two detectives looking for me, and that 
Mr. Marshall, who kept the hotel next door, wished 
to see me as soon as I got back. This man was a 
conservative and a staunch loyalist. I did not call on 
him. My wife asked me if there was anything that 
would compromise me about the house, I thought not. 
I never kept anything that could do so. 

Captain James Murphy had a most brilliant record in the 
United States Army. He was made a captain in the 20th 
Massachusetts Regiment by merit alone in July, 1861. He 
drilled Colonel W. Raymond Lee, Lieutenant-Colonel J. Win- 
throp Palfrey, Major Paul J. Revere, the Crownshields, Oliver 
Wendell Holmes, Jr., afterwards judge of the Supreme Court 
of Massachusetts, and now judge of the United States Su- 
preme Court; Mayor H. L. Abbott, and the Putnams and 
Lowells of that State. He acquired the warm esteem of all 
his comrades and during his long period of service received 
several wounds, an especially severe one at Mary's Heights, 
on May 3, 1863. He was discharged for disability in conse- 
quence of his wounds and received a pension on that account. 
Captain Murphy was a sergeant in the 4th United States 
Artillery at the age of 18, was stationed at Fort Independence, 
Boston, from 1854 to 1856, served in the Seminole campaign In 
Florida under Gen. W. S. Harney and was on duty in Kansas 
during the troubled period of "Border Ruffianism." He crossed 
the plains from Fort Leavenworth to Fort Bridges In 1858, 
subsequently served again in Florida in 1858, served again in 
Florida and was one of the forty-five men who held Fort 
Pickens from January 10 to May, 1861, under the gallant 
General Adam T. Slemmer, afterwards killed at Chickamauga. 
When reinforcements arrived the brave little band, completely 
worn out, was sent North, and those who composed it were 
presented with medals as a reward of their valor by the New 
York Chamber of Commerce. Capt. Murphy fought at York- 
town, Fairoaks, Westpoint, Peach Orchard, Savage Station, 
Glendale, Malvern Hill and Fredericksburg. After the war he 
was appointed superintendent of national cemeteries, and in 
1890 was made deputy collector of internal revenue for the 
first district of New York. All through his life he was devoted 
to the cause of Ireland. He died in New York on Nov. 2, 1891. 



no A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

"What are these?" said she. pulling out a bale of 
pamphlets — a lot of Chas. Beggs' "Military Re- 
sources of Ireland." "Let us destroy them, they are 
no good now." 

We hauled them down to the kitchen, and burned 
them. This was a tedious job, as there were about 
four or five hundred of them, but we succeeded and 
put the ashes into the vault. My wife had discharged 
our domestic a few days before. So there was no one 
in the house but ourselves. We were ready now if 
the enemy came. 

It was then about six o'clock. We set about get- 
ting breakfast ready. My wife asked could I not fly and 
save myself. 

"No," said I, "the order of the day is that no one 
shall leave." 

We were going to sit down to our meal when Detective 
Clifford, accompanied by two men, entered. 

"Does James Deneiffe stop here?" he asked. 

"No," I answered. 

"What's your name?" 

"Joseph," said I. 

"You are the man we want. I arrest you in the 
Queen's name, for high treason." 

"Are you not making a mistake?" said I. 

"Oh no, but I am sorry to see a respectable man 
like you connected with such people." 

"If you came to arrest me I wish you would do so, 
and cease your lecturing me." 

"I must search your house." 

"All right, I shall give you all the assistance in my 
power." 

During this colloquy, one of his fellows rushed into 
the room, holding out his hand and exclaiming, "No 
use searching, they have done away with everything, 
the kitchen grate is red hot, look at my hands." 

I could not help laughing at his blistered hands. 
He was the meanest piece of humanity I had ever 
seen. He saw an escritoire, belonging to my wife, 
and asked me to open it. He took out some letters. 
In looking over them, he exclaimed, "They speak 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. in 

French, here are a lot of letters in that language." 

I told him if he knew anything about French he 
would be less gleeful over the discovery. 

My wife was standing by my side when he ap- 
proached her. I seized the carving knife and went be- 
tween them, resolved to attack anyone who laid 
hands on her. 

Clifford, seeing this, called them off, and said he had 
nothing to do with Mrs. Deneiffe. I must say Clif- 
ford acted as gentlemanly as I could expect, but the 
other two, and particularly the imp who burned his 
hand, were low ruffians. I vowed if ever I came 
across him elsewhere I would remember his brutal 
conduct. Such were the servants in the pay of Her 
Majesty. England may boast of her humane laws, 
but they are only a sham. 

When they brought me into the street it was 
crowded. I was immediately taken to College street 
station, where Clifford went through some legal for- 
malities, and handed the inspector three revolvers 
and a bowie knife, which he said he found in my place. 
I knew of one only, the others belonged to two Amer- 
ican friends named Hyland and O'Brien, who were stop- 
ping with me, and who had left a few days before. They 
had left the revolvers concealed in the bottoms of two 
chairs in their room, T knew nothing about them. 

While standing there waiting for something or 
other, the officers present amused themselves at my 
expense, commenting on the quality of the latest im- 
proved arms they found. "Oh ! nothing but the best, 
the most improved !" 

I remarked T wished there could be some improve- 
ment made in the unmanly and unfeeling conduct of 
Stal worths like them, taunting a prisoner with cow- 
ardly insult before the charge was proven. 

I was soon committed and placed in a cell, which 
was a water closet. Soon I heard footsteps pacing up and 
down outside. I would have given anything for a 
smoke. There was a hole through the top part of the 
door, through which I could see a policeman. I asked 
could he get me some tobacco. 



ii2 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

"Keep quiet," said he, "and wait a minute." He 
come to me in a short time, and handed me a pipe 
and a match. 

"Stand up on the closet, and let the smoke out at 
the top," he said, and vanished. That simple act com- 
forted and cheered me. Evidently all was not rotten 
and perverted. 

After some delay, I was removed to Richmond 
Bridewell. My mind was made up for the worst, and 
so I became contented. I had nothing to accuse my- 
self of and felt cheerful. The cause was not given 
up, and hope was bright as ever. 

When I entered my cell it did not take long to 
see the layout ; an iron bedstead and a block of wood 
to sit on. When night came I would receive my bed and 
covering. The aperture that furnished light was 
about eight feet from the floor, being out of reach, it 
could only be opened by a rod. Everything was se- 
cure. 

The warder in charge, whose name was Lennon, 
soon came back, and handed me something to read, 
I found it was a series of evangelistic tracts. This 
man appeared to mc to have some kindness in him, as 
he had a good face. Whatever his duties were he 
performed them in a quiet, inoffensive manner. The 
touch of kindness I had experienced from the police- 
man gave me hope that all were not heartless 
in the service of the Crown. I made up my mind to 
live up to the prison rules, and take my punishment 
without a murmur. I concluded there was no use 
kicking, and philosophically accepted the situation : 
thus the first evening closed. My bed was thrown in 
with the covering nicely folded. 

"You will have to fold these in the same way you 
see them now, and have them ready to be taken away 
in the morning when the gong sounds the second time," 
said the warder, leaving me to study my task. 

I fixed up as quickly as I could, for I was very tired 
after the day's exploit. 

After getting fixed for the night, "Where are the 
others, and will I see any of them," were the thoughts 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 113 

that occupied my mind, after a longing wish and a 
prayer that I might see my wife, and hear how mat- 
ters were shaping themselves. 

When the gong sounded next morning, I had my 
bed and bedding ready. After it was taken away 
breakfast was served ; coffee and bread. I inquired of 
the warder if any food would be allowed from the 
outside. 

"Yes," said he, "if you are married, your wife can 
bring you anything you desire." 

"Well," said I, "I'm all right, I will have a good 
dinner then." 

I saw my cheerfulness was making a good impres- 
sion on the warder, and I asked him could I get any 
books in, and he told me to ask the governor when I 
went down to see my wife. Matters began to 
brighten up a little and I felt good. 

At one o'clock the cell doors were thrown open, 
and all the prisoners ordered out for exercise. We 
had to stand opposite our doors until the word march 
was given. To my great surprise, I found my friend, 
James O'Connor, was my next door neighbor. We 
had a recognition. The smile that came up on both 
of our faces could not be interpreted by anyone but 
ourselves, for it spoke volumes. We were soon in the 
yard, formed into a circle about three or four feet 
apart ; no conversation was allowed. The warder and 
a policeman standing by to enforce discipline. 

Notwithstanding all this, there was a great deal 
passed from one to another in a mute language only 
known to ourselves, and there was not a sad face in 
all the circle, on the contrary, all looked jolly and 
dignified. 

Patrick J. Hay burn, whom I knew well was one of 
the circle. His laugh was contagious. He was on 
the opposite side of the circle from me and O'Connor. 
His eyes were set on both of us, and when he saw the 
warder's attention taken from us, he was sure to dis- 
play some antics which caused a titter all around. 
After an hour had passed we were brought back to 
our cells 



ii 4 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

Shortly after I was called down to the governor's 
room to see my wife, who had a nice roast chicken 
for me, and in our greeting passed me a plug of to- 
bacco. We were allowed a few minutes together, the 
governor sitting close to us. She had a message from 
P. J. Smith, who volunteered his services to me as attor- 
ney to look after my business outside. I told her to sec 
Ed DufTv and be guided by him. 

When told our interview was at an end, I asked the 
governor could I get some books. "Yes," he said, "any 
book the chaplain approves of will be admitted. 

"Can I have Shakespeare, Byron, Moore, and Camp- 
bell?" 

"Yes, you can have any of those." Next day I got all 
of them and enjoyed reading selections from them. This 
was how my first day and night were spent in jail, all the 
others were passed in about the same way, excepting one 
or two which I will notice and also how we spent the Sab- 
bath Day. 

On Sunday we were allowed to go to our respective 
places of worship, according to our faith or religious 
beliefs. We were brought to the gallery of the chapel, 
which was so arranged that the row in front could not 
see those behind, nor the prisoners behind those in 
front. 

When we got seated I found Denis Dowling Mul- 
cahy next, on my right, and James O'Connor on my 
left. Our devotions took the shape of a conversation 
in undertone, between the solemn parts of the mass. 
This was an hour well enjoyed, and lasted without 
change during my stay in the institution. 

The lower part or ground floor contained all the 
petty malefactors such as thieves and all that class. 
Amongst these Martin A. O'Brennan chose to be 
placed We were surprised to see him there. We 
found afterwards he was afraid he would compromise 
himself if he came amongst us. 

I think it was the third Sunday we were treated to a 
pastoral circular, or whatever it was by Cardinal Cul- 
len. Before Father Bently, the chaplain, read it for us, 
he said he read it over and over, and left out some re- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 115 

marks which he thought would not be pleasing to 
some of his hearers. He was quite nervous. We could 
notice the paper shaking in his hand. He was obliged 
to read it for us, he said, as it was to be read in all the 
churches in the city on that day. From beginning to 
end it was a denunciation of us, which was all very 
well, until he came to the passage that said there was 
not one in the whole business that could make a liv- 
ing for himself. We agreed in an undertone that it was 
cowardly and a lie. Mulcahy was going to leave. I 
asked him to hear it all out. His leaving would do 
no good, and be considered insubordination. James 
O'Connor laughed, and said that settled it. After talk- 
ing the matter over, whether to attend any more, we 
concluded that an hour of undisturbed chat together, 
all things considered, was not to be thrown away. 

Some time after this, Lennon asked me if I would 
like to read the ecclesiastical history of Ireland. I 
said yes, and he brought it to me. I looked it over 
and saw the margins and spaces through the pages 
all written over. The notes were half Irish, and 
pointed to Lennon as their author. The book belonged 
to the chaplain, and had been lent to O'Brennan. Af- 
ter a short time the chaplain himself called with Len- 
non, who introduced his Reverence to me. 

"I am sorry I cannot ask you to sit down," said I, 
"but you see it would be a very ungracious compli- 
ment. I cannot help it. This book," I went on, "is in 
a mutilated condition and was so when I received it 
from the warder. 

"That is that old fool, O'Brennan," said he. 

"Father, why don't you come around oftener and see 
your flock," said I to him. 

"I thought," said he, "ve Avere all a lot of ragamuf- 
fins." 

"Even so." said I, "were we such, did not the Sav- 
iour die for all men, but I tell you if the Saviour had 
not put his mark deeply on the hearts of the Irish peo- 
ple they would all leave the church that is now domi- 
nated by politicians." 

"Oh, don't say that," said he, and left. This gentle- 



1 16 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

man was a brother of Bently, the auctioneer, one of 
the castle gentry, but was a convert and was disowned 
by his family, as I heard afterwards. 

Another item I wish to give, we were all at exercise 
one day when Charles Underwood O'Connell was 
brought in. It happened I was on the far-off side of 
the circle when he entered the prison yard. He had 
been arrested in Cork, on his arrival from New 
York, and letters for Stephens were found in 
his possession. He walked across the circle to 
me, and held out his hand and asked me how I was. 
That was very injudicious on his part, and likely to be 
harmful to both of us. 

"You might reserve your compliments," said I, "for 
a better opportunity." 

The warder noticed this incident, and said it was his 
duty to report the fact that we were acquainted and 
recognized each other, but, being a good man, he only 
commented on the danger men placed themselves in 
by such associations. Judas came to mind, but 
I knew him to be a sycophant and full of vanity, and 
let the matter rest. 

John J. Breslin was connected with the prison, but I 
was not acquainted with him until after I was arrested and 
imprisoned. He was the hospital warder and always ac- 
companied the physician and surgeon on their rounds. He 
also acted as apothecary, prepared the prescriptions and 
treated any patients needing his care. 

He was treating James O'Connor for his eyes, 
the glare from the white- washed walls having af- 
fected them. John would come round after the phy- 
sician had gone, and while washing O'Connor's eyes 
would deliver all the news from the outside, together 
with scraps and cuttings of newspapers. These clip- 
pings were passed around surreptitiously, and thus we 
were kept posted on the news of the day. We found 
out a way for transmitting these scraps from one to 
another, without letting it be known where they came 
from, so Breslin's visits to James O'Connor were 
known only to him and me. He called regularly every 
morning, and was always pleasant and kind. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. n; 

Lennon, the warder, spoke to me again about Char 
ley Underwood O'Connell. (i) It appeared to me he 
was uneasy in his mind about not doing his duty, and 
wanted to know how I got acquainted with him. 




JOHN J. BRESLIN. 



"You know," I said, "I am in the merchant tailoring 
business. A friend brought him in one day, and I 
made him a suit of clothes." 

"That will do," said he, smiling. He appeared to be 
satisfied with my explanation, and never spoke of 
him again. 

(1) Charles Underwood O'Connell was one of three Cork 
Centres, the two others being James O'Connor and Bryan 
Dillon, all three of whom, subsequently, were arrested and 
convicted. They were imprisoned in Pentonville and Portland. 



n8 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XVI. 

A few days later Warder Lennon came into my cell, 
and told me that Stephens. had been arrested during 
the night, and had just been brought in. He said this 
with some feeling. I was very much disturbed, but 
kept cool and asked where they had found him. 

"In Fairfield House, with three or four others." 

I knew then he was correct in what he said, but the 
news shook my hopes somewhat, which up to this had 
been very strong. "Who was the wretch this time?" 
was the first thought that struck my mind. 

Next day we had all the particulars. Pierce Nagle, 
an employe in the mailing room of "The Irish Peo- 
ple" office, and clerk of St. Laurence O'Toole's church, 
was the informer, and had for some time been giving 
information to the government. The day following 
there were six of us brought before Justice Strong, in 
the castle yard, to be identified by Nagle. We were 
arraigned on a long bench with three others, outsiders 
or new arrivals whom we did not know. 

After waiting a short time a curtain was drawn 
aside close by where the magistrate sat, and Pierce 
Nagle confronted us. Strong asked him, 

"Do you know any of these men?" 

Nagle looked along the line, glancing at each, and 
after a pause said, 

"Yes, I know the three on the extreme right." 

"Look again, and see if you can identify the others." 

He looked again up and down, "No," said he. 

He stepped back, the curtain was drawn to again, 
concealing him. The three men whom he had recog- 
nized were unknown to us. 

"Mrs. Nagle saved me," said I to myself, for the 
wretch knew me well. 

About a week or so before my arrest Mrs. Nagle and 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. tig 

young James Haltigan, whose father, before his arrest, 
lived with the Nagles, called on me at my home. It 
was Sunday, my wife and I were sitting together just 
after dinner when they arrived. Mrs. Nagle said all 
the Prisoners' Fund was exhausted, and they had no 
money with which to buy provisions for them. I gave 
her a sovereign, and told her I would see some of the 
men that evening about the matter. I presume she 




JAMES HALTIGAN. 
(From a Recent Photograph) 



told her husband, and to this circumstance I attributed 
her husband's reticence in my regard. 

There had been no pointed suspicion of Nagle pre- 
vious to that, but a few days before, as Mrs. Nagle and 
Mrs. Hannigan were going to the prison with a basket 



120 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

of food for the destitute prisoners, Dawson and two 
other detectives met them. Mrs. Hannigan was one of 
the Women's Committee who attended to this matter. 
Her husband was a sculptor, one of Denis Cromien's 
men. 

Detective Dawson accosted Mrs. Nagle and said he 
wanted to speak to her. "If you have anything to say 
to me," said she, "say it, this woman is an intimate 
friend of mine," pointing to Mrs. Hannigan. 

"What I have to say is strictly private, it is a mes- 
sage from your husband." 

She flew to him, and, after a moment, turned round 
and told Mrs. Hannigan she would see her later, and 
went with Dawson. After Mrs. Hannigan had deliv- 
ered her basket at the prison, she came directly to me, 
told me all I have stated, and said she feared Nagle 
was not right. This was the first indirect intimation 
of his treachery that I received. I went directly to 
Cronin, head of the cloth department at Pirn Brothers, 
who was then the head Centre for Dublin. This was 
on a Friday. When he heard the story he said, 

"Who can we depend on now? What do you ad- 
vise?" 

I suggested that he should secure or secrete any papers 
he might have and get away for a day until we would see 
what would happen. He got leave of absence for a few 
days, and went to Liverpool. The day after he left 
his residence was searched, and his department in 
Pirn's overhauled. I have never since heard what be- 
came of him. 

Mrs. Hannigan was one of the great souls of that 
time. She went around amongst the men she knew, 
warning and encouraging them, and saved some of the 
arms that were hidden, nearly all the time being es- 
corted by the young man named above, James Halti- 
gan, w r hose father, the printer of "The Irish People," 
was then a prisoner, and who was afterwards sen- 
tenced to seven years penal servitude. 

Lawless, the attorney for the political prisoners, 
came to me one day on his rounds through the cells, 
and told me my wife and her sister, Mrs. Kavanagh, 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 121 

were constantly calling on him. Mrs. Kavanagh, by 
the way, was an old friend of his wife. 

"They want me," he said, "to try and get you out on 
bail. You know," he said, "there is no use in trying." 

"No, I am too sure of that," said I, "but the only 
way you can convince them is to try, and then they 
won't disturb you any more." 

"Well," said he, "among the next batch of applicants 
for bail I shall send in, I will put your name among 
them." 

In a day or two after, Denis Dowling Mulcahy and 
he came into my cell. Denis, being a law student, was 
allowed to help Lawless take the depositions of the 
prisoners. 

He handed me a paper, and asked me could I sub- 
scribe to it. It read, among other things, — 

"I am not a Fenian and never was. None of the 
arms found on my premises were mine. If admitted 
to bail I will not abscond." 

I studied it for a minute or so, and said, "I can 
swear to the first and third conditions, but not to the 
second." 

"Why not?" said Denis. "I would if I were in your 
place." 

"Because I feel I cannot conscientiously do so." 

"Then," said Lawless, "that ends it," and was about 
to leave. 

"Can't you change the second condition?" said I. 

"How?" said he. 

"Make it general, and not particular. If you put 
it 'Those arms are not mine,' I shall swear it." 

He took the amendment to Isaac Butt, chief counsel 
for the defense, who said, "that man ought to be in 
my position or in yours." 

Lawless told me this when he brought me the 
amended form to sign. 

We in Ireland were not Fenians, as we were in ex- 
istence long before this romantic name was given to 
the American wing, by John O'Mahony, we were 
members of the I. R. B., so it was one of the Colonel's 
whims that saved me. 



122 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

While taking dinner a couple of clays after, Lennon 
the warder, rushed in, and congratulated me that I was 
to be admitted to bail. 

"Don't fool me," I said to him. 

"It is even so," he said, "come and see Lawless 
yourself — he is attending to some business in the sec- 
ond cell south." 

When Lawless saw me he laughed, and shook my 
hand, saying "I want two sureties to go on your 
bonds." I gave him the names of James Cantwell, of 
the Star and Garter, and Michael Hogan, of Baggott 
Street Bridge. Two days after 1 was released on bail. 
Among others, I remember Patrick Hayburn was one 
of the lucky ones who left prison with me. 

My wife was waiting at the gate of the jail to wel- 
come me, and I can truly say I never felt more happi- 
ness than in seeing her on that occasion, and I know 
she felt equally happy. We drove to the residence of 
her sister, Miss Doyle, in Molesworth street, where I 
was heartily welcomed, and my release made a matter 
of rejoicing. 

As soon as I found opportunity, I visited my shop, 
which I found closed and empty, and my business 
utterly ruined. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY ISROTHERIIOOD. 123 



CHAPTER XVII. 



I made an appointment with John J. Breslin before 
leaving the jail, to meet him that evening at eight 
o'clock in Leeson street. We met, and he told me of 
the efforts they were making to get Stephens out. 
Next day I saw Colonel Kelly and John Devoy who 
gave me the particulars. False keys were being made 
with which to unlock the prison doors, and arrange- 
ments were under way looking to the safe concealment 
of Stephens until he could be got out of the country. 
My friend, Patrick Durkin, a County Mayo man, 
whom I have not before mentioned up to this time, 
was very active in the movement. It was in his place 
the impression of the prison keys were taken from 
which the false keys were made. He was a grocer, 
and did a good business for Mr. Hogan at Baggott 
Street Bridge, and afterwards, on his own account, in 
Brunswick street. He was best man at my marriage, 
and a great friend of Edward Duffy. John Flood was 
another who was assigned to the work of rescuing 
Stephens. He was in disguise when I met him in 
Grafton street, dressed in a midshipman's uniform. I 
don't think his brother would have known him. He 
saluted me, and told me to follow him to the. Star and 
Garter. He was jubilant about the project on hand, 
as all arrangements were nearly ready, and success 
seemed assured. 

The key was made by Michael Lambert, a working op- 
tician and an active member of the organization. Mt. 
Lambert still resides in Dublin and was recently (June 3, 
1905) the recipient of a handsome testimonial presented 
bv his friends and admirers. 



I2 4 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

The night of November 24, 1865, was the date assigned 
for the rescue which was carried out successfully and 
with great secrecy. 

Colonel Kelly originated the plan of escape, which could 
not, however, have been carried out were it not for the 
active co-operation of two members of the I. R. B. who 
held positions within the walls of the Bridewell. 

These men were John J. Breslin, who held the post of 
hospital warder, and Terence Byrne, an ordinary warder 
in the prison. To these Colonel Kelly unfolded his plan ; 
and although its carrying out entailed enormous risk on 
the part of Breslin, he did not for a moment hesitate when 
the liberty of his chief was concerned. 

The principal difficulty was to procure a duplicate of the 
key which opened Stephens' cell, which was kept with 
others in the Governor's office. Breslin, with great dar- 
ing, succeeded in taking an impression of the important 
key. This impression, on instructions from Colonel Kelly, 
he handed over to Michael Lambert, who lost no time in 
fashioning a duplicate, which he at once sent back to his 
friend Breslin. 

On the night arranged for the rescue a picked party of 
armed men from the ranks of the I. R. B. assembled out- 
side the walls of Richmond Bridewell somewhere about 
midnight. Colonel Kelly was in command, and the night 
was a magnificent one for his purpose. The rain came 
down in torrents, the wind blew great guns. Heaven's 
artillery boomed and reverberated through the deeps of 
the dark, impenetrable sky, and the daring Fenians only 
saw each other's faces in momentary glances by the light- 
ning flashes. There was not a soul abroad but themselves 
that dreadful night. 

Such was the scene outside the prison. A dozen daring 
men braving the fury of the elements, and the risk of 
transportation, through the fidelity to a cause. Inside in 
the ghastly, dark silence of the prison, broken ominously 
by the crashing and rolling of the thunder, John Breslin 
watched the minutes creep slowly toward the hour ap- 
pointed by him with Colonel Kelly to open the door of 
Stephens' cell and deliver him safely into the charge of 
him and his companions. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 



125 



The appointed hour, one o'clock, at last arrived, and 
Breslin introduced the key made for him by Michael Lam- 
bert into the lock of the Chief Organizer's prison cell. It 
did its work just as well as if it were the original key, and 
James Stephens, led by Breslin, lost no time in stealing 
rapidly, but cautiously, along the gloomy corridors. In 
the prison yard they were met by faithful Terry Byrne, 
who had two tables placed on top of each other against the 




JOHN FLOOD. 



wall, by the aid of which, and a rope thrown from the 
other side, which Breslin and Byrne held while he de- 
scended, James Stephens was delivered out of the hands 
of his enemies and into those of his good and faithful 
friends. 

The names of the men who took active part in the me- 
morable rescue were: Colonel Thomas J. Kelly, John 



126 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

Devoy, Matt. Neill, Denis Duggan, William Brophy, John 
Harrison, John Million, John Lavvlor, John Ryan, Patrick 
Kearney, Michael Cody, John Flood and the two prison 
warders, John Breslin and Daniel Byrne. 

Next day all Dublin was agape. The Government was 
astounded. James Stephens had secretly and successfully 
made his escape from his closely guarded cell in Richmond 
Bridewell. Consternation, or rejoicing, as the case might 
be, was on every face as they read the news bulletins. 
Immediately a reward of one thousand pounds was offered 
for his capture or for information leading to his arrest, 
and three hundred pounds for the arrest of any person 
harboring, aiding, or assisting him? 

The second day after his escape, Stephens held the 
largest meeting of Centers and American officers he 
ever held in Dublin. He met provincial Centers from 
all quarters during the day, and the night session was 
for the Dublin Centers. This meeting was called for 
the purpose of bringing before the organization the 
great question, "Shall we strike now or wait?" Each 
one was asked in his turn what he thought best to be 
done. 

I was more than surprised when Stephens selected 
me to give my opinion first. I told him I had only 
left prison two days before he did, and had not seen 
many friends, but would cast my vote with the Amer- 
ican officers, who had closely investigated the situa- 
tion, and were well posted on the true condition of af- 
fairs. All the Americans and all the Dublin Centers 
expressed themselves in favor of immediate action 
until he came to Denis Cromien, who was the only one 
at the meeting that argued and voted for delay. Ste- 
phens evidently was glad that our opinion was not 
unanimous and, to our surprise, endorsed Cromien's 
views. 

Notwithstanding the majority were in favor of im- 
mediate action, and our discussion took up consider- 
able time, it was eventually decided, mainly through 
Stephens' influence, that we would postpone the rising 
and wait. This resolution, to me, seemed simply a 
hocus pocus. Stephens plainly did not want to fight, 

* See Appendix XXIII, Page 203 also Appendix XXVII, ^age 306. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 127 

and I made up my mind that he did not want to pro- 
ceed any further; in fact, I concluded then and there 
that Stephens' work was done, and his usefulness 
ended on that night of November 26, 1865. 

With the aid of informers and perjurers, assisted by 
prejudiced or packed juries, and with civil laws sus- 
pended, our men were being - arrested, tried and found 
guilty, and sentenced to life imprisonment or for long 




JAMES STEPHENS. 

terms. Few escaped. Edward Duffy, at this time in 
an advanced stage of consumption, was let out on ac- 
count of the precarious condition of his health. I met 
him daily, either at my place or at the Star and Gar- 
ter. John Flood I also met frequently. He always 
looked like a sador or petty officer who had just 
stepped off one of Her Majesty's ironclads. He was 
invariably in great spirits and the picture of health, 



128 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

and was a man of resources, courage, and aptitude for 
any emergency that might arise. 

On one occasion we talked over Stephens' escape, 
and how it was discovered. He told me that one of 
our friends, an Irish- A.merican visitor, a good man, 
too, who knew the hour that it was to take place, left 
Dublin that evening for Cork. At the bar in the hotel 
where he stopped on his arrival in Cork he got into a 
chat with a gentleman, as he thought. In the course 
of conversation he spoke of Stephens' capture, and the 
apparently complete suppression of the revolutionary 
party. This was said, no doubt, with a view to bring- 
ing out the opinions of his chance acquaintance, and 
see what he thought on Irish affairs. Seeing this fel- 
low rejoicing, as he went along, he became so enraged 
that he took out his watch and said : "I will bet you 
ten pounds that you have not got Stephens now." 
This, of course, was very unwise, but it is given as a 
fact. The fellow ran out and telegraphed to the chief 
secretary in Dublin, Sir Robert Peel, who in a short 
time was thundering at the gates of Richmond Bride- 
well. He did not have patience to send for informa- 
tion. He went himself. He asked the governor had 
he all his prisoners in safe keeping. 

"Yes, Your Excellency, the keys are all here as 
usual, and all prison cells are secure." 

"Let us see," said Sir Robert, "have you Stephens 
secure?" 

They went to his cell and found it wide open, and 
the bird flown ! 

We could never find out the name of the individual 
who gave this information that came so near spoiling 
this great exploit. Any delay, any false steps, any mis- 
calculation or accident would have resulted in failure. 

The 24th of November, 1865, which was the date of 
Stephens' romantic escape, was a red letter day for 
Ireland because of its moral effect on the people. Ste- 
phens remained in Dublin until March, 1866, when he 
left for Paris in disguise. After a perilous voyage 
across the Channel to Scotland, he made his way to 
London, where he stopped at the Buckingham hotel, 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 129 

remained a short time, and then left for Paris, where 
he arrived in safety. 

The evening- he left Dublin Edward Duffy called on 
me in great glee. 

"I have great news for you," said he. "The Cap- 
tain is on his way to France.'* 

"Well," said I, "Ed, I firmly believe you will never 
see him again." 

"Don't say that," said he, "'tis treason." 

"Nonsense," said I, "I saw him exhibit the white 
feather at the meeting of the Centers, held on the night 
after he got out of jail, and I felt then he would never 
fight." 

I did not attempt to shake Duffy's faith in him, but 
he afterwards came to share my views, and when in 
the dock denounced him. 



i 3 o A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XVIII 

Stephens, before leaving for France, had appointed 
Duffy in his place, as head of the organization in Ire- 
land, and promised to send him money when he arrived 
in Paris. Poor Ed was stopping quietly at the Euro- 
pean hotel, and had not a pound in his possession. 

Miss Ellen O'Leary was there also, meeting all de- 
mands and attending to everything connected with the 
organization. She filled up with her counsel and ad- 
vice the gaps caused by the arrest of the various lead- 
ers, and so matters went for some time. 

No financial assistance came from Stephens, al- 
though he sent for his wife and her sister, and accord- 
ing to Eddy O'Leary, John's youngest brother who 
was in Paris at the time, it required two cabs to take 
their baggage to the hotel, and afterwards had his sis- 
ter-in-law put into an aristocratic seminary. It re- 
quired considerable means to do this, but not a shilling 
for poor Duffy and the cause. I knew the condition 
Duffy had been left in. Were it not for the kindness 
of Mrs. Moloney, the lady of the hotel, he could not 
have existed. No wonder he denounced Stephens in 
the dock. 

Stephens' arrival in Paris caused consternation in 
Dublin Castle, while the accounts given in the news- 
papers of the particulars of his escape made them the 
laughing-stock of the world. 

The large rewards offered for his capture or infor- 
mation regarding his whereabouts had been offered in 
vain, the vigilance of the secret police had been baf- 
fled and set at naught, and in consequence the authori- 
ties were paralyzed. 

But after all it would have been better for Stephens 
and for Ireland that it had never been done. If he had 
been left in orison his fame would have remained un- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 131 

tarnished. If he had kept faith with those who had 
given him his first commission, and when it was de- 
manded of him, had handed over the organization to 
a military council at the proper time he might have 




MISS ELLEN O'LEARY. 



saved it. Our American friends did not preserve those 
papers, and when they made the demand had nothing 
to go on. (1) 



(1) While affairs were progressing slowly in Ireland, a seri- 
ous division occurred in the governing ranks of the Fenian 
Brotherhood in America. 

When the organization became numerically powerful and in- 
fluential throughout the States, it became necessary to adopt 
a representative form of control and management for the 



132 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

Duffy went to the West, to his home, but still con- 
tinued as tireless and persistent as ever in the good 
work, until he was arrested on the nth of March, 1866. 

Colonel Kelly went to America, rallying the men 
there, and took charge of the Central office on the 18th 
of June, 1866. From that date to the close of the year 
all was excitement and although the arrests contin- 
ued (a large number being amongst the military) the 
feeling of resistance remained as intense as ever. 

whole body, and to that end an annual congress was inaugu- 
rated and at which plans were formed and policies promulgated 
looking towards the advancement of the Cause and the early 
preparations for a revolution on the soil of Ireland. 

For various and, as we know now, good and sufficient rea- 
sons the invasion of Ireland was repeatedly postponed, a course 
of action which caused much openly expressed dissatisfaction, 
mixed with blame for O'Mahony and Stephens, as the delay 
was attributed to them. 

In this connection it may be well to say a few words about 
the relations existing between Stephens and O'Mahony. After 
the collapse of the '48 Movement, when in Paris together 
their relations were those of fast and close friends. In the 
Fenian Movement their relations -continued as of old up to the 
time of Stephens' visit to America, and perhaps a year after, 
when things began to change. It would seem as if a mutual 
dissatisfaction in a mild form sprang up. Each felt his per- 
sonal responsibility keenly and no doubt considered he was 
not receiving that support from the other which he had been 
led to expect or which the condition of affairs demanded. In 
addition to this, a strong outside pressure was continually 
being exercised demanding immediate action in Ireland. 

Stephens on several occasions expressed dissatisfaction with 
what he considered an inquisitorial tendency on the part of 
O'Mahony, who continually kept sending over on special mis- 
sions men who wanted to "investigate" and then return to 
America to "report." Nothing came of those reports, and it 
is a fact there were instances where men came over ostensibly 
to investigate, but in reality they came on their own business. 

John O'Mahony was Head Centre and Chief Executive Officer 
of the Fenian Brotherhood in America. The executive power of 
the organization was vested in him, and among other duties 
he was authorized and empowered to sign all bonds of the 
Irish Republic. The Central Council consisted of five members, 
with the Head Centre as presiding officer, and constituted a 
military board. This board had power to appoint a military 
and naval director or one for each department, and had full 
authority to adjudicate all questions pertaining to the organi- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 133 

After all was considered, the chances, we thought, 
were in our favor. Col. Tom Kelly returned from Am- 
erica, took Ed. Duffy's place, and gave new vigor to 
the movement. His late visit to New York confirmed 
our faith in the promises made at that side? 

General Halpin was again active, as was also Cap- 
tain O'Rourk (Beecher), an indefatigable man who 
managed everything he undertook with tact and ad- 
dress. His movements baffled all the vigilance of the 
detectives who were continually on his track. 

John Flood, the man of resources, and Ryan, of Liv- 
erpool, were unknown to the police, they could go 
where they pleased. 

So matters went on. Every man stood to his post. 
We were gaining in prestige and influence. 



zation. They were supposed to be constantly in session. Dis- 
trict Centres were elected to represent District organizations 
at the Annual Congress, and when elected received a commis- 
sion from the Head Centre. Their duty was to supervise the 
organization in their respective districts, to establish Circles 
and make regular monthly reports to the Central organization. 

To assist O'Mahony in governing the organization, a body 
called the Senate was called into existence, which body in a 
short time attempted to take control and dictate the policy to 
be pursued by the Fenian Brotherhood. Two parties developed 
in the Senate — one in favor of invading Ireland, the other 
Canada. See Appendix XLIII, Page 239. 

O'Mahony wrote to Stephens complaining of the attitude of 
the men advocating the invasion of Canada. They argued that 
it was inopportune at that time to invade Ireland. England 
possessed then, as now, a powerful navy, with her base of un- 
limited supplies only a few hours' sail from Ireland; conse- 
quently, they said, it would be madness to raise the banner of 
revolution then. As a substitute they suggested that the power 
of the Fenian Brotherhood be turned towards Canada as an 
objective and that an army could be quickly thrown across 
the border and a blow struck at the power of England without 
crossing the ocean. 

In reply to O'Mahony's letter Stephens denounced the dis- 
senting Senators as "rotten branches"' and said he would soon 
come to America and lash them into line. The receipt of this 
unwise and indiscreet letter resulted in still further widening 
the breach. The Canadian party in the Senate seceded from 
the parent body and elected Colonel William R. Roberts 
President. 

* See Appendix LXXXIV, Page 278. 



134 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 



CHAPTER XIX. 

The Special Commission for the trial of political 
prisoners opened in Green street, Dublin, the 27th 
of November, 1865, and the trials commenced. 
It took a long time to get a jury, and all out 
on bail were obliged to attend from day to day. 

The third day, when my wife and I were going into 
court, the policeman on guard at the door stopped me, 
and asked if I had a sheriff's order. I said I had none. 

"I can't admit you," said he. 

I told him I was one of the prisoners out on bail, 
and was obliged to attend. 

"I don't care who you are, I can't admit you." 

Pat Roantree was with us, and he was told the same. 

A big burly sergeant who was walking up and down 
said, in passing, "Damn fools, go tell your friends on 
your bail bonds you would not be admitted, and get 
out." 

Pat and I took the hint. We went to Kingstown and 
put in a very pleasant day. In the evening I went to 
see Lawless, after court adjourned, and told him the 
circumstances. "I am glad," said he, "as you won't 
save yourself as I told you to do. Don't come to me 
until I send for you." 

The same evening I was at my friend's Patrick Dur- 
kin's, which was a place we frequented for news. To 
my great surprise the policeman that refused to let me 
in the court room was there. I did not know he was a 
friend of ours, but he was, and proved afterwards to 
be a staunch one. 

Towards the close of the commission, my name was 
called. In explanation of my absence, Lawless got up 
and explained to the court that I attended until I was re- 
fused admission. Lawson, the attorney-general, asked for 
a warrant, to have me brought to court, but Judge Fitz- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 135 

gerald said, "Mr. Attorney, serve him with a short order." 
Another case was called in my place, the last for that com- 
mission, and was found guilty. The court adjourned to 
Cork, and left me still at large. 

It was in Cork where Counsellor Dowse gave Nagle 
the worrying that vexed him, when he asked the Coun- 
sellor : "Do you think I'm a dog, that you speak to me 
in this manner?" 

"Oh no," said Dowse, "God forbid I should compare 
you to such a faithful animal." 

"Well," retorted Nagle, "there are some decent men 
I have not identified, but now I won't spare one of 
them." 

That remark made several of us uneasy, and we were 
sure he would carry out his threat when the court 
would come back to Dublin. 

The uprising was now the question of the hour. All 
began to prepare and make ready. No lack of ardor 
could be seen ; on the contrary, all were at the highest 
pitch under the circumstances. 

The failure of the attack on Chester castle by the 
treachery of Corydon did not deter the rising of the 
4th of March, because Corydon's treachery was not 
known then. 



136 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XX. 

The 4th of March, 1867, the night of the rising ar- 
rived, I was at supper with my wife and her sister when 
John Ryan called. General Halpin had sent him for 
me. He was waiting at the Bleeding Horse in Cam- 
den street. I took leave of my wife and went with 
him, and found General Halpin. As there was a report 
given out at the time that the General was drunk on 
that occasion, I take this opportunity of again pro- 
nouncing that it was a calumny — without a shred of 
truth to support it. I never saw him more cool, calm, 
and rational than he was on that night. He gave me 
my orders, but told me to await hearing from him be- 
fore putting them into execution. 

I called on my friend Durkin, and found that 
acting on instructions all the men had gone to 
Tallaght. As soon as Durkin shut up his place we 
remained together and prepared to execute the ex- 
pected orders when received. While waiting in his 
back parlor, he brought in a young man who had come 
some distance, and who wanted to see the man in 
charge. 

I satisfied myself that he was all right. He handed 
me a paper signed by the parish priest of that place, 
asking for orders to blow up the bridges and stating 
that all was ready. 

We told him that action in that quarter would de- 
pend on certain contingencies, which had not yet arisen 
and advised him to return and hold himself in readiness 
to execute their purpose, but to take no action until he 
received positive instructions which we guaranteed 
would be surely forwarded to him should occasion re- 
quire it. 

On further inquiry we found he had come post haste 
and had no money to take him back. We furnished 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 137 

him with sufficient funds and sent him away full of 
hope that the men of his town would be given a chance 
to strike a blow for Ireland. 

Of all the nights that have ever passed over my head 
that memorable night of the 4th of March which had 
been scheduled as the night of the "rising" was the 
most furious that I remember. The wind blew a hur- 
ricane, accompanied by sleet and rain. The streets 
were deserted, save by an occasional car passing now 
and then, and the only sounds heard were those of 
wind and rain falling in torrents. 

We waited impatiently and anxiously during the 
long hours of the night, and coming towards morning 
the strain became, if possible, more intense from the 
continued anxiety. At length news came, but not di- 
rect to us. One or two returned friends in passing re- 
ported that the attempt was a complete failure and that 
the rendezvous had been betrayed. Sir Hugh Rose 
and staff, with a strong military force, had anticipated 
their assembling at Tallaght, and on the morning of 
the 5th had captured the most daring of our men. The 
only casualty reported was the death of Stephen 
O'Donohue, who was shot and killed. 

A. few hours later we witnessed the saddest sight I 
had ever beheld. Marching down Grafton street, 
manacled and disarmed, were some of our bravest and 
best men, surrounded by a strong force of military, 
who were escorting them to the Castle Yard for ex- 
amination, to be followed by punishment and degrada- 
tion. 

During the day General Halpin came into Dublin in 
a discouraged and disheartened state of mind and body. 
As the rising had collapsed and nothing more could be 
done just then, he was conducted to a place of safety. 
Soon stragglers began to arrive from Stepaside, each 
with his own story of what might have been done. 
Poor Stephen O'Donoghue was the only one who did 
not return. 

To explain this fiasco, for such it was, I must go back 
to Stephens' return to Paris in '66. After he had failed 
in uniting the O'Mahony and Roberts parties, the 



138 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

Fenian Military Council besought him to fulfill his oft- 
repeated promise to start a revolution in Ireland, as 
they considered the time had arrived for a rising, but 
he emphatically declined. Notwithstanding his re- 
fusal, the Military Council felt that the time had come 
when an attempt to fulfill the many pledges made by 
the organization should be undertaken, and they de- 
cided that, come what may, the flag of insurrection 




WM R. ROBERTS. 
President of the Fenian Brotherhood. 

should be raised in Ireland without further delay. 
They commenced active preparations at once. Early 
in January, 1867, the following Irish-American officers 
arrived in Ireland quietly, unobtrusively, and entirely 
unobserved by the Government : General Thomas F. 
Burke, General Ffalpin, Colonel Kelly, Captain John 
McCafTerty, Captain William Mackay and many 
others. They were assigned each to a special locality, 



TRTSH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 139 

and without delay set to work energetically to organ- 
ize the insurrection. They found the difficulties in the 
way almost insurmountable. The people were badly 
armed or not armed at all. Many of the local leaders 
were opposed to a rising at that time, and the clergy 
almost to a man antagonistic. Still they persevered 
and accomplished wonders in the brief time given them. 

February nth, 1867, was fixed on as the date of the 
rising, and officers and men were sent to their respect- 
ive posts with instructions to take the field on that date. 
The veteran Irish-American officers of distinction who 
came to lend the aid of their military experience gained 
in the Civil War, were quetly assigned to important 
and strategic points, and every arrangement possible 
under adverse conditions were made in advance, it 
being distinctly understood that the rising was to take 
place as far as possible simultaneously at all points. 
Chester Castle, in England, in which was stored a vast 
amount of war material, was also to be surprised and 
attacked on that date. (1.) 

Before the nth of February arrived the leaders 



(1) William Randall Roberts was born in County Cork, Ire- 
land, on February 6, 1830. He received an academic education 
and came to the United States in 1849. He secured employment 
with A. T. Stewart, the great dry goods merchant, New York, 
and eventually started in the dry goods business himself at 
No. 252 Bowery, when that thoroughfare was the great shop- 
ping district. His store was called the "Crystal Palace," and 
was as well known as is the most typical establishment of 
that kind in New York to-day. 

Roberts did an immense business and retired in 1869 with a 
fortune that passed the million dollar mark. His real estate 
holdings were extensive, as may be judged from the fact that 
he went on Richard F. Connolly's bond for $250,000, qualifying 
in $500,000, when that noted politician of Tweed times took 
office as Comptroller of New York. 

After retiring from business Roberts went into politics, and 
to this is ascribed the loss of the greater part of his fortune. 
He was elected in 1869 a Representative to the Forty-second and 
Forty-third Congresses. In 1877 he was elected Alderman-at- 
Large, and was President of the New York Board of Aldermen 
that year and the next. 

To the scheme for the invasion of Canada was due in a great 
measure the disastrous split which took place in 1866 in the 



l 4 o A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

learned that the Government was in possession of their 
plans. An informer, named Corydon, who was pres- 
ent at Chester, had been supplying information to the 
Government since September, '66. On finding their 
plans betrayed, urgent dispatches (in cipher), were 
sent by messengers and otherwise, to all the leaders at 
the various places, to postpone the revolt for the time 
being. 

In Kerry, where Colonel John J. O'Connor was in 
command, the dispatch failed to reach him and, 
promptly on time, he led a revolt which extended to 
Cork and Limerick, scaring the "loyal"' and "law-abid- 
ing" people around Killarney and Cahirciveen in a 
most unseemly manner. 

When, later on, O'Connor received the belated dis- 
patch and learned that the rising was not general, he 
retreated to the mountains and disbanded his force. 
Colonel O'Connor's rising, it is true, was premature and 
isolated, but it demonstrated the fact that he and his 



Fenian Brotherhood. John O'Mahony was opposed to the 
scheme, and his opposition cost him much of his popularity. 
A convention was held in New York, when a Senate, a War 
Department, a State Department and a Financial Department 
were provided for, chiefly as a means of robbing O'Mahony 
of his power. Later he was deposed by the Senate and Roberts 
chosen as President. Two factions then came into being, and 
between them they brought disaster upon the cause. 

"Envy, hatred and all uncharitableness" took possession of 
the hearts of men on both sides, and day by day the breach 
was widened. 

Roberts persevered in his plans and the battle of Ridgeway 
was the beginning and the end of his invasion, although it is 
claimed that but for the interference of the United States 
Government the victory won by General John O'Neil would 
have been followed up by the veterans from the Union armies 
until the green flag waved over every city in the Dominion. 

O'Mahony, urged by B. Doran Killian, sought to foil Roberts 
and snatch whatever glory might come to him by sending a 
force to Campo Bello. It was failure, however, everywhere. 
The fight went on bitterly between the two parties, and even 
James Stephens, who came across the ocean specially to try 
and put an end to the dispute, found his mission practically 
without results. 

William R. Roberts died in New York City on Monday, Au- 
gust 9, 1897, aged sixty-seven years. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 141 

men were ready to do and to dare, and there were a 
hundred thousand others equally ready, waiting an op- 
portunity to emulate his example. 

Colonel Horsford, in command of the British forces 
in that section, was sent in pursuit, but he prudently 
decided it was unnecessary and perhaps unhealthy, to 
follow the "rebels" into the mountains, and telegraphed 
to Dublin Castle that the insurrection was squelched. 

The rising was originally intended to have taken 
place on the nth of February, but for various import- 
ant reasons it was postponed to a later date. In the last 
week of February word was sent out that Shrove Tues- 
day, March 5th, was to inaugurate the beginning of a 
supreme effort for the liberation of Ireland, and they 
were to assemble at their various posts on the night 
of the 4th. It happened that the date selected was ex- 
tremely cold and tempestuous, which caused much suf- 
fering to the men who went out. 

The principal place of rendezvous for the Dublin men 
were the Palmerston fields, Rathmines, and the village 
of Tallaght. At the former place some 500 men as- 
sembled at 11 p. m.j while at Tallaght the number was 
about 800. The arrangements for arming them were of 
the most unsatisfactory character, and many had to 
content themselves with an indifferent pike, which is 
rather a poor weapon with which to meet a man armed 
with a rifle. There were many skirmishes between the 
police and the insurgents on that eventful night, the 
Fenians capturing several of the police, whom they dis- 
armed and took along as prisoners of war. At Tallaght 
there was a brisk encounter in which Stephen 
O'Donoghue was shot dead. A party of Fenians, under 
Patrick Lennon, attacked Stepaside and Glencullen po- 
lice barracks, both of which he captured, seizing and 
carrying off the arms. 

In Drogheda the people assembled in the market 
square to the number of one thousand, and placed 
themselves under the command of Colonel Patrick 
Leonard, an American officer of ability and bravery. 
He made a bold stand for a little while, but had to 
succumb to the superior forces of the enemy. 



142 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



The Tipperary Fenians assembled in force at Ban- 
sha, under the command of Colonel Thomas Francis 
Bourke. They marched to Ballyhurst, where, being 
armed only with pikes, they met defeat at the hands of 
the Thirty-first Regiment of Infantry. Colonel 




PATRICK LENNON. 
Who led the Fenians at Stepaside and Glencullen. 



Bourke was captured while rallying his men, and was 
afterwards sentenced to be hung, drawn and quartered. 
The speech he delivered in the dock is second only to 
Emmet's immortal utterance. His sentence was com- 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD 143 

muted to imprisonment for life and he was finally par- 
doned. 

In Limerick, Cork and Clare attempts to arouse the 
people were also made, but were attended with little or 
no success. Peter O'Neill Crowley, aided by Captain 
John McClure and Edward Kelly, made a noble stand 
in southeastern Cork. They held their forces together 
for nearly a month, but were finally captured in Kil- 
clooney Wood, after a gallant stand, in which the brave 
Crowley was killed. Captain McClure and Edward 
Kelly spent many years in prison, but were finally par- 
doned. Kelly died some years ago in Boston, but John 
McClure is still living — a prominent lawyer in New 
York. 

In the City of Cork over two thousand men turned 
out in response to the call to arms? They were under 
the command of Colonel O'Brien and Captain Mackey, 
but were soon defeated by the forces sent against them. 
Captain Mackey carried on a desultory warfare for 
almost a year after the rising, appearing here and there 
and capturing many police barracks and coast guard 
stations and then disappearing just as rapidly. He 
kept the authorities in averment until he was finally 
captured on February 7, 1868. 

No attempt at a rising was made in the West of Ire- 
land, as they had been promised the services of ex- 
perienced military officers who were not sent them, 
consequently they declined to turn out without compe- 
tent leaders. 

The rising was attended by many acts of bravery and 
self-sacrifice, and stands out as an evidence of Irish 
patriotism under the most hopeless circumstances. 
The people were virtually unarmed, had to face one of 
the best equipped armies in Europe, and were crushed 
by overwhelming numbers. In addition to this, the 
movement took place during one of the most terrific 
storms which ever visited Ireland, and this fact alone 
would have been sufficient to scatter the thousands of 
brave and devoted men who risked their lives in de- 
fence of their country. 

Soon after the collapse of the rising, the leaders, in 

* See Appendix LXXXVJ, Page 283. 



144 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OE THE 

explanation and extenuation of their failure, issued an 
address or proclamation simultaneously in Ireland and 
America, setting forth the grievances of the Irish peo- 
ple and appealing to lovers of liberty the world over, 
particularly to the brave, fair-minded men of England, 
showing them the cause of Freedom was theirs as well 
as ours. The Government in turn took occasion to is- 
sue another proclamation, declaring the country was 
tranquil and peaceful, while every vessel entering an 
Irish port was boarded by police, armed with rifles and 
cutlasses, who arrested all suspicious persons without 
the formality of a warrant, and took them to jail. 

Public attention was now directed to the military 
courts martial, which revealed conditions in the ranks 
that surprised every one, but none more than the Gov- 
ernment itself. It finally became alarmed, as the in- 
vestigation progressed, at the great number of men ac- 
cused and eventually the publicity given to the honey- 
combed and dove-tailed conspiracy which had grown 
up within the army, compelled them to suspend mili- 
tary tribunals, as the deeper they probed the more dis- 
affection they found. Even soldiers in Scotch regi- 
ments were found to be connected with the movement. 

The men who were mainly responsible for the de- 
moralization of the British army were John Boyle 
O'Reilly, Pagan O'Leary, John P. O'Brien, Charles 
McCarthy, Thomas Chambers and James Montague. 
As a result of their work, it was found that some 13,000 
Irish men in the English army had taken an oath to 
bring about the independence of their native country. 

The last sitting of the Special Commission was in 
session in Dublin, and a great many of us were in sus- 
pense regarding Nagle's forthcoming evidence and the 
nature of the disclosures which he had threatened to 
make when in Cork. He evidently reconsidered the 
matter, as he did not implicate any others during the 
session. But informer Corydon did. He testified, 
among other things, that he attended meetings in my 
house and at James Cantwell's, but his evidence on this 
occasion was broken down. This terminated the work 
of the Commission in Dublin, and Cantwell called op 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 145 

me and advised me to leave the city, saying that as the 
Commission had closed its work, my bondsmen were 
no longer responsible for my appearance ; in fact, he 
suggested that I would act wisely in getting out of the 
country as soon as possible. 

I made hurried arrangements and left that night for 
Liverpool, where I met William Horan, an old friend, 
who took me to his lodging in the suburbs. I learned 
that all hope was not yet abandoned in England, and 
that Colonel Tom Kelly was expecting aid from 
America, but after a few weeks' time word was passed 
around that all was over for the present. 



140 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



CHAPTER XXL 

I took passage in one of the Anchor Line packets 
via Quebec, for New York, by the northern passage. 
Through the instrumentality of a friend I secured an 
introduction to one of the officers of the vessel, who 
favored me in many ways during the voyage. He 
gave me the key of his room, with permission to use 
it at any time. Fortune also gave me a congenial 
traveling companion in the person of a young Cockney, 
not long married, and employed by a London stock 
broking firm, who was on his way to Canada to see 
after some investments for his company. Our first 
day out brought us together, and we became fast 
friends. I got talking with him about the loneliness I 
felt after parting with my wife and child, and he, hap- 
pening to be in the same mood, confessed that he felt 
equally lonesome and blubbered through his tears that 
this was the hour they expected him home every even- 
ing. "I was just thinking of them when you spoke," 
said he. "I low singular that our cases are so remark- 
ably alike. Let us go down to the cabin and have a 
bottle of Guinness." We went down and consoled each 
other, and ever}' day after that we put in an appearance 
in that hospitable quarter. 

The Anchor Line boats had to call at Moville for the 
Irish mails. Our steamer entered the mouth of the 
River Foyle and came to anchor awaiting the mails and 
passengers, which were brought alongside in a lighter. 
We had on board a few emigrants from Liverpool, who 
climbed on the rail and looked towards the town while 
awaiting the approach of the mail boat. Soon we 
noticed two long boats approaching: one filled with red- 
coated soldiers and the other with police, which gave 
rise to alarm in my breast. As soon as they came near 
I decided I had better keep out of the way for the time 
being and quietly made my way to the officer's room, 
where I locked myself in. This room was on the port 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 147 

side of the vessel and they came on board from the 
starboard side, consequently I did not see them arrive 
or depart, but waited with the best patience I could 
until 1 thought they must have gone away, when I 
came out from my place of concealment. 

When I came on deck I accosted a shrewd looking 
fellow, one of the emigrants, and asked him what the 
police wanted and what the military were doing on 
board. "I don't know," said he smiling knowingly. 
"They said they were looking for a couple of abscond- 
ers, but I think they are in search of some political sus- 
pects who are expected to make an attempt to reach 
America by this route. The police have not gone yet, 
perhaps they may find the men they are in search of 
before they leave." 

A little later, while going down the companion way, 
I met a sergeant of police coming up. I went to the 
bar and found my friend waiting for me, who com- 
menced to talk in his pleasant, good natured way with 
his Cockney accent, and I noticed that the sergeant had 
followed me down and was lingering around, listening 
to what was being said, but after a while went away. 
My friend asked what was the object of this visit of 
the authorities. 

"I cannot say," said I, "but I understand it is a com- 
mon occurrence in this country to search boats and 
scrutinize passengers entering or leaving port." 

"I don't wonder," said he, "at the Irish being dis- 
affected, and I am sure we would not tolerate this thing 
in England." 

We slowly finished our bottles, while I remained 
as quiet and inconspicuous as possible until I heard the 
anchor weighed, when I knew the police had departed. 

I found my Cockney friend a genial, pleasant and 
cheerful companion and we became quite good friends 
during the voyage. I also cultivated the acquaintance 
of the shrewd looking chap who told me the police were 
looking for political suspects. He informed me that he 
was leaving his home in Ireland because he was sus- 
pected of being a Fenian, and if he remained his father, 
who was steward to some landlord in Donegal, would 



148 A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

undoubtedly lose his position, while he would be sent 
to prison for an indefinite period on mere suspicion. 
It was his first trip away from home and naturally he 
was anxious and nervous about his future in a strange 
land. When I told him I was acquainted in New York 
and could possibly help him on his arrival there he be- 
came a changed man. 

We had a tedious but pleasant voyage across the At- 
lantic, made agreeable by the fact that the officers and 
crew were genial and obliging. In due time we arrived 
in British territory, steaming up the St. Lawrence, a 
noble and majestic stream. Very few craft hove in 
sight until we reached Quebec, which contains a line 
fortress on a well-selected spot commanding all the ap- 
proaches from the river. The splendid view of this 
fortress and the beautiful river scenery engaged our 
attention until we reached port. 

We remained in the city but a couple of hours and, 
of course, had little opportunity of closely observing 
the people. From casual observation they seemed to 
be careless, easy going and without the "go" and "get 
up" about them that distinguishes Americans. They 
were living under an accursed flag, which perhaps ac- 
counted for the ear-marks of slavery that I imagined 
were visible to me. 

We took a train on the Grand Trunk R. R. for Mon- 
treal, which we found a beautiful city, delightfully lo- 
cated on the St. Lawrence and where we remained 
some hours before proceeding to Rouse's Point, which 
is on the boundary line separating Canada from the 
United States. When I crossed the dividing line I 
distinctly felt a great and perceptible change come 
over my whole being, as if an oppressive weight was 
lifted from me. I immediately declared myself to my 
friends and gave them my real name, as up to that I 
had been traveling under my wife's name. 

In a few hours we were transferred to one of those 
nice little steamers plying on Lake Champlain and 
which are only to be found on American waters, and 
felt so much at home that after supper I went to bed 
and slept undisturbed all the way down until the boat 



TRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 149 

was moored. When awakened by one of the deck 
hands I was surprised to find that my friends had got 
off at Burlington. .The captain, after hearing my 
story and enjoying my discomfiture, told me it was all 
right, I would meet my friends at Albany by taking 
the train which was about starting. He was right and 
I found no difficulty in locating them in Albany. They 
did not know what had become of me and were puz- 
zled regarding what to do with my baggage. We pro- 
ceeded to New York by the Albany boat, enjoying a 
delightful sail on the grandest and most picturesque 
river in America. 

Coming down the Hudson that evening I found my- 
self alone, gazing at the ever changing panorama vis- 
ible from where I sat, and all the events of the past few 
years came floating around me. Was ail lost? What 
had been accomplished? Had anything been gained? 
Those questions I asked myself over and over again, 
but could not find a satisfactory answer. In summing 
up I found one certainty: Ireland was united. She had 
been taught to stand up and assert her rights. She was 
no longer a corpse on the dissecting table. A great 
many abuses had been set aside, a great many changes 
had taken place for the better, and there had been a 
general awakening to the emergencies and necessities 
of the hour. For those blessings 1 thanked God with 
my whole heart and finally concluded that our efforts 
had not been wasted and that a great deal had been ac- 
complished. 

Tn analysing causes and results, I decided that 
Stephens and O'Mahony, who never worked in har- 
mony, were both of them unfit for the great responsi- 
bility they had undertaken. In my opinion, it was 
mainly O'Mahony's fault. He always kept around him 
a lot of flatterers, an imbecile pack, who were no use 
whatever to the movement, who could not get the con- 
fidence of anyone but that one good natured soul who 
loved to listen to flattering stories of himself and of the 
chieftains of old, without taking a single lesson from 
their misfortunes and ultimate extinction. 

Among these worthies was Red Jim McDermott, 



ISO A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 

the informer, a wretch who was ostracized in Dublin 
by all his associates after his return from Italy. Hi? 
conduct was said to be of the most immoral kind, so 
that the Dublin men refused to have anything to do 
with him. This was reported to Stephens, who said 
they were- merely eccentricities which might be attrib- 
uted to the life he led in the Papal Brigade! 

When leaving Dublin for America he asked for a let- 
ter of introduction to John O'Mahony, which was not 
given him, but a letter signed by six Dublin Centres 
was sent to O'Mahony, advising him not to place any 
confidence in him as he was a bad man. O'Mahony 
provided him with a position, I think that of 
assistant secretary, because he abused Stephens. 
Red McDermott was the illegitimate son of a Dublin 
police magistrate named O'Brien. His mother's name 
was McDermott. Before joining the Papal Brigade he 
had been an altar boy in a chapel at Haddington Road. 
When in Italy he had succeeded in imposing on his 
Holiness the Pope, who invested him with the Order of 
St. Sylvester, which regalia he took care to display on 
every possible occasion. 

I must say before closing that throughout the whole 
organization a strong moral and religious feeling pre- 
vailed and a great respect for Christian Doctrine when 
it was untrammeled by political influence or personal 
animosities. Our love and respect for the Soggarth 
aroon was never questioned. 

Some of our best men were devout Catholics, among 
them, General Thomas Burke, Charles J. Kickam, 
Hugh Brophy, John Haltigan, Mulcahy, Duffy, and 
thousands of others. It is true, there were a few fire- 
eaters, but they did not amount to much. Some of 
them, afterwards, became members of Parliament ana 
some others informers. 

My impression, gained by experience and observa- 
tion, is that the better the Christian the better the sol- 
dier he makes when fighting for liberty, truth and jus- 
tice. A reliable, faithful friend and stanch lover of his 
country never despairs, but continues to trust in Prov- 
idence that the end will make amends for his devotion. 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD 



CHAPTER XXII. 

In the preceding chapters the names of many brave 
men who did noble duty in distant places, and with 
whom I did not often come into personal contact, do 
not appear, for the simple reason that my narrative is 
a personal one and deals only with the matters with 
which I was identified or closely connected, and the 
facts of which I can vouch for as being absolutely true. 

But as these men were part and parcel of the move- 
ment and deserve the most honorable mention that 
could be given them, I will endeavor, in this chapter, 
to do justice to the memory of all whose names I can 
now recall. 

Among the brave and faithful men whose names I 
have not yet mentioned, or perhaps barely mentioned, 
and the noble, heroic women who took up the cause 
when their husbands or relatives were arrested and 
imprisoned were: Miss Ellen O'Leary, Miss Catherine 
Mulcahy, Miss Maria Shaw, Miss Butler, John O'Con- 
nor, James Haltigan, John Hallowed, Michael Lambert, 
William IJrophy, Matthew O'Neill, Jeremiah O'Farrell, 
Edward Martin, John Neville, Daniel Downing, James 
Cook, Samuel Cavanagh, James O'Callaghan, Patrick 
Lennon, Michael Monks ( i ) and Mercer McDermott. 

In speaking of the work performed by individuals I 
cannot refrain from mentioning the following: John 
O'Connor, brother of James O'Connor, a boy at the 
time, who was of incalculable value to the organiza- 
tion — trustworthy, discreet and business-like — to him 

(1) Patrick Lennon died in Florida in 1901. He owned an 
orange plantation there. Michael Monks died in New York 
about 1894, and is buried in the Irish Patriot's Plot in Calvary 
Cemetery, Brooklyn. A monument to the memory of all the 
veterans of the I. R. B. buried in Calvary is now being gotten 
up. 



152 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE 01' THE 



was intrusted most important secret messages, which 
couldn't be intrusted to the mails. He had many nar- 
row escapes, but through his dexterity and persever- 
ance succeeded in every project he undertook. 

Another boy deserving of special mention is James 
Haltigan, who stood beside his father in the dock and 




JAMES AND JOHN O'CONNOR. 



endeavored, as far as a mere youth could, to make 
amends for his loss after he was sentenced. He, too, 
was discreet and unassuming, and frequently carried 
safely and successfully many important despatches 
which were matters of life and death to individuals and 
to the movement, not only in Kilkenny and the sur- 
rounding counties, but in Dublin itself. 

After the escape of Stephens, when Edward Duffy, 
then in poor health, took charge of the organization on 



IRTSIT REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 153 

the request of the fugitive chief, Miss Ellen O'Leary 
volunteered her services to the organization. She 
possessed great executive ability, while her social posi- 
tion gave her many advantages which few in the move- 
ment possessed at the time. She was respected by all 
who knew her, not only for being the sister of the con- 
demned editor, but for her own accomplishments and 
charmingways, which made her like a ministering angel 
among the families of the prisoners, imparting hope 
and confidence to all by her firm belief in our ultimate 
success. Duffy being at the time in a most pitiable con- 
dition on acount of lung trouble, most of the executive 
work devolved on Miss O'Leary. At this crisis John 
O'Connor was always on hand, and his invaluable ser- 
vices were fully appreciated. 

When Col. Thomas J. Kelly became Chief of the Or- 
ganization, after Duffy's second arrest, he imparted 
new vigor to the movement. Among other things, he 
organized a Signal Corps and selected the members 
himself. One of his first selections was John Hallowel, 
a young man who worked in Fitzpatrick's, corner 
of Dame and George streets, Dublin, a friend of John 
Devoy, both coming from the same place. Young Hal- 
lowed was an expert in the corps, was appointed lieuten- 
ant and had a great deal to do with Stephens' rescue, 
although not one of the actual rescuers. He gave his 
overcoat and revolver to one of the parties, which by 
some chance or accident he never saw afterwards. He 
was also a friend of Michael Lambert, the artist, who 
made the false keys used in the escape of Stephens, 
also of Wm. Brophy and Matthew O'Neill, two of the 
rescuers. He was a trusted messenger of Colonel 
O'Kelly between Stephens and himself, and is now a 
successful business man in Chicago. 

Another lady who deserves a niche in the temple of 
honor is Miss Butler, a fashionable Dublin dressmaker 
and a true Nationalist, who was above suspicion, hav- 
ing for a clientele the loyal elite of the city. No one 
would ever dream her home could be a retreat for a 
famous outlaw and rebel, but it was in her cosy, com- 
fortable home that Stephens found safety. It was from 



154 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



this asylum, months later, he departed with Flood to 
risk his fate in a coal schooner. After his safe arrival 
in France it began to be mooted around where Steph- 
ens had been so carefully concealed, notwithstanding 
the great rewards for his capture and threats of ruin 
for anyone who would harbor him. No one knew for 




MICHAEL BRESLIN. 



sure but a few, and Dublin was lost in bewilderment. 
After some time suspicion fell on the good Samaritan, 
but it was only suspicion, still it was sufficient to cause 
her to lose all the patronage of the flunkeys, including 
the respectable "loyal" shoneens, who considered them- 
selves superior to the mere Irish. 

Miss Mulcahy, sister of Denis Dowling Mulcahy, 
leaving her nice, quiet home by the Anner, came to the 
city on hearing of his arrest. Miss O'Leary soon found 



IRISH REVOLUTIONARY BROTHERHOOD. 155 

occupation for her talents, which up to this time had 
been confined to the care of her aged father, who was 
as hopeful to the last as the youngest among us. She 
threw herself into the cause as earnestly and unspar- 
ingly as might be expected of her. It was wonderful 
to see what these good young women were capable of 
doing and the fatigues and anxieties they underwent, 
when once they became interested. She lovedherbrother 
Denis and, if necessary, was willing to take his place in 
the ranks or in the prison cell. 

In this connection Miss Shaw well deserves to be re- 
membered. She was in charge of the Ladies' Commit- 
tee Rooms and devoted herself unsparingly to the task 
of attending to the wants of the families of the prison- 
ers. 

Neil Breslin, a modest, unassuming young man, ren- 
dered good service. He was a brother of John and 
Michael Breslin, but much younger. He was a strip- 
ling at this time but took a man's part — the work done 
and the services rendered by this class of youths can 
never be fully known. They worked with a will, they 
received no pay, no emolument of any kind, all their 
young energies were concentrated in the movement that 
took possession of their every faculty and they never 
wearied and never failed in the good work. 

Jeremiah O'Farrell, of Kilkenny, was one of the most 
active young men in his native city. When Haltigan 
was leaving there to take charge of the Irish People 
newspaper he brought O'Farrell with him to Dublin 
and appointed him caretaker of the office building, No. 
12 Parliament Street. He also brought two printers 
with him, who were devoted to the movement — Ed- 
ward Martin and John Neville. These men continued 
their activity in the metropolis and soon had a Circle 
of their own, of which Haltigan was the centre. 

Daniel Downing, of Skibbereen, brother of Colonel 
Patrick and Major Denis Downing of the American 
army, was another of these young men who distin- 
guished themselves, as was also the good and earnest 
Cornelius O'Mahony, of Skibbereen, an unsophisticated 
but gifted school teacher who was one of the first con- 



156 



A PERSONAL NARRATIVE OF THE 



victed. He was acquitted by the first jury, but Barry, 
the prosecutor (called Judas Barry for his recreancy to 
the Irish cause), immediately put him on trial again 
with a packed jury and, of course, found him guilty. He 
was sentenced to five years' penal servitude. 




NIAL J. BRESLIN. 
(From a Recent Photograph.) 

Tames Cook, Samuel Cavanagh. James Callaghan, 
Patrick Lennon and Mercer McDermott, all of the city 
of Dublin, were among the most active workers in the 
cause — all faithful men who nobly did their duty. They 
have all, with the exception of Samuel Cavanagh and 
James Cook, passed to their reward. May they and all 
who have suffered in Ireland's cause rest in peace. 

FINIS. 



APPENDIX 

TO 

DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 



FOREWORD. 



The following Fenian letters, papers, reports, etc., collected 
from many sources, have been arranged in chronological order 
and printed verbatim from the originals. 

O'Donovan Rossa placed at my disposal not only his own 
papers, but also the papers and correspondence of John O'Mahony 
which were given him after the death of the latter. The papers 
of General Sweeny were made accessible through the courtesy of 
his son, Mr. William M. Sweeny. Autograph letters by James 
Stephens. John Mitchell, and others were supplied by Mr. John 
Quinn, Secretary of the Irish Literary Society. The papers of 
Dr. Denis Dowling Mulcahy are in the possession of the writer 
of this brief introduction — in fact, there is so much material, I 
have been unable to find space for all and have therefore made a 
selection which I think sufficient for the purpose. 

Photographs and portraits for the Recollections and Appendix 
were supplied by Mr. P. J. Meehan, Mr. James Haltigan, Mr. 
P. W. Dunne and others. 

It is to be regretted that all these historic letters, papers, photo- 
graphs, etc., have not been collected and deposited in some public 
library, where they would be accessible for all time to future 
writers and students of history. They are added to this work, in 
the form of an Appendix, because they have a direct bearing on 
Mr. Denieffe's Recollections and are supplementary to and cor- 
roborative of his Narrative. In addition they give an interesting 
inside history of the movement and throw a strong light on the 
personality of the principal characters and the motives which 
governed them. Apart from this, because of their historical value, 
they deserve to be preserved by publication in permanent form 
for use, perhaps, by some future historian who shall do justice 
to the earnest and sincere Fenian men of '61-65, who cheerfully 
and ungrudgingly gave up all that life holds dear — family, friends, 
fortune, even life itself, for the Cause. 

STEPHEN J. RICHARDSON. 



(158) 



APPENDIX TO 
DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 



i 

This letter, in the handwriting of James Stephens, was written 
from Paris on New Year's Day, 1858, (in the early days of the 
movement), to Michael Doheny, and tells what could be done in 
the way of organizing an armed revolutionary force in Ireland if 
only the necessary money could be provided. The letter is in- 
complete, and, of course, unsigned. 



Paris, January 1, 1858. 

My Dear Doheny: — As this is strictly a business letter you 
will excuse the absence of all explanations of a personal na- 
ture. I reserve everything of the kind for some future occa- 
sion — perhaps the hour I shall grasp your hand in mine with 
all the truth and fervor of our hunted days. 

To the point. 

Presuming the information given by Mr. C. to be correct, 
I proceed to state the conditions on which I can accept the 
proposed co-operation of our transatlantic brothers, and the 
great personal responsibility devolving on myself. Lest you 
should have over-rated my capability and influence, it may 
be well to inform you what I am convinced I can do in a given 
time, always provided you are prepared to comply with my con- 
ditions, which 1 believe essential. Bearer of this letter leaves 
by to-night's mail, and I undertake to organize in three months 
from the date of his return here at least 10,000, of whom about 
1,500 shall have firearms and the remainder pikes. These men, 
moreover, shall be so organized as to be available (all of them) 
at any one point in twenty-four hours' notice at most. It must 
be needless to say that such an organization as this represents 
the whole body of Irish Nationalists — even the indifferent would 
be inevitably drawn after us, the start once given. Nor do I 
hesitate to assert that, with the aid of the 500 brave fellows 
you promise, we shall have such a prospect of success as has 
not offered since — I cannot name the epoch of our history. 

Now for the conditions. The first is money. There is a slight 
leproach in my words when I say: you ought to have foreseen 
this, knowing as you do that the men of property are not with 
us (of course I speak but of the national men of property), and 
that we are without means, you would have shown a wise fore- 

dS9) 



160 APPENDIX TO 

sight by sending us the nerves of organization as of war. I shall 
be able to borrow enough to go on with the work till I hear 
from you; that is, on a limited scale, and at great inconvenience 
to myself and friends, but anything like delay on your part 
will not only retard its progress, but otherwise injure the 
Cause and should you be unable to come into my terms, the 
business must be given up altogether. You must then be able 
to furnish from £80 to £100 a month, dating from the depar- 
ture of bearer from New York. Had I a casting voice in your 
council, I should, moreover, suggest you sending 500 men un- 
armed to England, there to meet an agent who should furnish 
each of them with an Enfield rifle. This, of course, would in- 
volve considerable expense; but were it possible it would so 
stave off suspicion that we might fall on them altogether by 
surprise. Of course, too, this money should come from you, 
and I beg of you, if possible, to raise it and act on my sugges- 
tion. 

A few words as to my position. I believe it essential to suc- 
cess that the centre of this or any similar organization should 
be perfectly unshackled; in other words, a provisional dictator. 
On this point I can conscientiously concede nothing. That I 
should not be worried or hampered by the wavering or imbecile 
it will be well to make out this in proper form, with the signa- 
ture of every influential Irishman of our union. 

N. B. — Bearer may be trusted unto the death. 



II 

This letter was written by James Stephens in Paris on March 
5, 1860, and was brought to John O'Mahony by Patrick Downing 
(afterward Colonel Patrick Downing, Tammany, or 42d Regi- 
ment in the Civil War). 



Paris, March 5, 1860. 
John O'Mahony, 

Brother: — This will be given you by Patrick Downing, one 
of the "State prisoners." He is a townsman and particular 
friend — a blood relation, too — of Donahy, who, should I for- 
get to bespeak bearer a cordially, honorable reception, would 
not fail to secure it for him. Indeed, bearer is of the stuff 
that recommends itself, and should give you a high opinion of 
the manhood of his district; for what but a high opinion can 
you form of a district, the sub-centres. of which are at all like 
my friend Mr. Downing. He has been by my side for the last 
fortnight, and every day has raised him more and more in 
my estimation. I answer for it, circumstances shall not swerve 
him from what he believes a high and holy duty. Receive him, 
then, in all earnest brotherhood — be a real brother and a 
friend, to him, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 161 

To be able to say conscientiously that we have lost nothing 
at home since you last heard from me is, in my opinion, more 
than our transatlantic brothers can possibly expect. This is a 
simple statement, and must not be construed into a complaint 
of the men at your side. No complaint shall ever be written by 
me — no murmur of any kind, however skilfully hidden in a 
mental reservation. My words are to be taken for what they 
bear on the surface — I nothing extenuate, nor set down aught 
in malice. I can affirm, then, that we are as strong as when 
Donahy left home. That is so far as I know; for, unfortu- 
nately, I have not been able to effect communication with all 
our centres as yet. Though I have written this last sentence, 
it appears to me next to superfluous. You understand organiza- 
tion and must consequently know that, with the means at my 
disposal, 1 could not possibly have got our widely scattered 
forces into complete order. 

All our friends, however, are not equally acquainted with 
the nature of the machinery I have to work, and to these it 
may be necessary — at all events I deem it my duty — to say, 
that a great difference between our position and that of men 
of large resources is that we must pay more for an inferior 
article than rich folk pay for a superior one. I leave it to 
you to complete my ideas. Some dozen centres, then, are work- 
ing in the dark, or with such light only as comes to them by 
what I may call refraction. Thirty-two centres are at their 
post; five or six of whom, however, require a very effective 
curb, and two others a touch of the spur. 

One of the latter has written to me lately to the effect that 
his circumstances will not admit of his remaining longer in 
the country. I do not believe him; but should he go we shall 
not, probably, lose another man — B., C. or D. — but himself; it 
is even likely we shall gain by his loss. To make up for the 
persons in question, a centre reported lost or doubtful in my 
list turns out all we could wish with terrible reasons for work- 
ing himself into our van. No additional centres have been 
made; and, in our present circumstances, I am by no means 
desirous they should unless in some very exceptional case. 
Thus, the details carry out the affirmation that we have lost 
nothing since you last heard from me. 

And here I may as well state once for all that you need 
apprehend no very essential loss. Were what I did at home the 
work of a petulant schoolboy, blustering agitator or "Young 
Ireland" ramschackle, you would have just cause for appre- 
hension. Rely on it, brother, it is the work of a man. I am 
so sure of this myself that should you be unable to send me a 
dollar I would still undertake to maintain an organization of 
at least 15.000 men, not only for a year longer, but for seven 
years if needful. 

And what I am able to do you may rely on being done, come 
what may; for it would be as impossible to swerve me from my 
fixed resolve as for might of man to wrest a star from its orbit. 
With such a basis of operations at home I should be satis- 



162 APPENDIX TO 

fled to suffer as the zealot suffered at the stake, and should 
not cease to toil while soul and body held together. Brother, I 
ask you to do no more than I myself have been doing and 
shall do to the end. Fear nothing, then, but double, over and 
over again, your efforts. You and I at least have gone into 
this cause resolved to succeed or die. Can I not answer for 
your resolve as for my own? I should say "yea," though the 
contrary were written in fire in the heavens above my head. Say 
as much for me, believing it in the depths of your soul. Do 
no'„ think, though writing thus, that I am insensible to the 
hardships of your position. I feel them all to the quick as 
keenly as if every base and coward blow were aimed at my 
heart. But no great aim like ours has ever yet been attained 
without suffering as well as toil. Toil and suffer on. 

By the way, it has become a trueism among men of our stamp 
that suffering, so far from being a misfortune, is a positive 
blessing: it purifies and ennobles. No small nature, I am con- 
vinced, can bear suffering without loss; but the soul of a man 
comes out of it a thing of great worth. Suffer and toil on 1 
say. I would not for my own self be spared the one as I am 
sure never to relax in the other. Nor think for an instant 
that the M's and this set, with all their various wretched tales 
can materially check, much less, foil you. They have already 
done well-nigh their worst, and I heed them no more than the 
passing breeze. Verily! you altogether over-rate their in- 
fluence. With us they could do much good, especially a year 
ago; against us they are nothing, openly against us, their 
heels would be soon on the nether millstone. 

It seems to me also that you altogether exaggerate what the 
returned could do were they mischief-bent. It is a very serious 
loss certainly the return of these men. But the simple fact of 
our not having been able to keep up our relations with all the 
centres at home fully accounts for our not having been able to 
do so with these men, some of whom went to districts to which 
the organization had never extended. You say thai three are 
doing good business. Had 1 received anything like the support 
I was entitled to expect, every effective man who went home 
would have the same tale to tell. The time, however, is not 
far distant when we can prove to the entire satisfaction of our 
disappointed friends how much the reality exceeds even the 
picture which guided them to their native homes. 

I have received all your money orders, including the four 
last, the first January 13th for 1055.75 frs. ; the second, Janu- 
ary 23d, for 1158 frs. 75 cent.; the third, February 6th, for 515 
frs., and the last February 16th for 513 frs. About one month 
ago I had to send O'L., to whose address the three last orders 
came, to Ireland. He was to return to London immediately 
and there settle down for some months, sending me his ad- 
dress the day of his arrival. The circumstances, inseparable 
from men of small means, obliged him to remain longer than 
he expected at home, so that I did not get his address in Lon- 
don till Friday last (March 2d). I at once posted the third 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 163 

last money order for his signature. Received it signed by him 
yesterday (Sunday), so that I could not get it cashed till to- 
day. Forwarded to him the two last orders for his signature 
to-day. This will account for the delay my friend Mr. Down- 
ing has been forced to make here — and for other matters if 
they be only properly weighed. Spite of this manifest in- 
convenience, you must continue to send orders to O'L.'s address 
(here), till you hear from me again. In my next letter I expect 
to be able to direct you to forward your orders to the address 
of de la Valette; you know the significance of that, but the 
knowledge is for yourself alone, Doheny and Donalog. 

This letter is simply a hurried jotting down of certain indis- 
pensable things. My next shall be a letter in something like 
form. My intention from the first had been to send out to 
you, one after the other, and at intervals of from a fortnight 
to a month, the chief if not all the prisoners. Dream you the 
enemy (chiefly of Celtic, not Saxon blood) could have stood 
out against that! My intention is still the same. You may ex- 
pect another of them a fortnight, or at farthest, a month after 
bearer; the other shall follow, soon as I can. As most, if not 
all, these men are to return home you should use a certain 
discretion in bringing them before the public; but they, one 
and all, place themselves absolutely in your hands. 

J. S. 



III. 

In 1860 an effort was made to create a feeling of dissatisfac- 
tion among the members of the I. R. B. with the work of James 
Stephens and John O'Mahony, looking toward their removal, 
with a view of filling their places with more active and ener- 
getic men. 

To counteract this Thomas Clarke Luby, Denis Dowling Mul- 
cahy and others sent out a letter in which the fullest confidence 
in "James and John" was expressed, and asked all the leading 
Centres in Ireland to sign it. The letter was fully indorsed by 
the Centres, although it took some time to get all their sig- 
natures. 

The following letter was written by Denis Dowling Mulcafiy 
to Thomas Clarke Luby and enclosed a slip on which he had 
secured a number of signatures of Centres to be attached to 
the letter of confidence. 

The original document with all the signatures in is now in 
the possession of Mr. John Quinn, secretary of the Irish Lit- 
erary Society of New York. 



Redmondstown, Clonmel, August 6, 1860. 
My Dear Luby: — I write this letter as a voucher for the names 
of the Centres on the enclosed slip of paper, which I have un- 
hesitatingly obtained on representing to them the vile calumny 



164 APPENDIX TO 

of the base and unscrupulous men who have been endeavoring, 
through motives of ambition and emulation, wilfully and ma- 
levolently to asperse the characters and blast the justly earned 
popularity of the purest, the noblest, the most self-sacrificing — 
and I may add, the most trusted Irish patriots of the present 
day — in the persons of S. and O'M., that ever devoted their 
energies, consecrated their talents or sacrificed personal inter- 
est and ambition in working for so holy and so just a cause as 
the regeneration of their native land, and the deliverance of 
her children from slavery and degradation into which they 
have been plunged for centuries through the treachery, dis- 
cord and self-interestedness of such men as those brawling, 
mercenary and slanderous would-be patriots, who go about 
vilifying and misrepresenting the pure motives of pure men, 
insinuating doubts as to the truth of statements made by them, 
sowing discord among the united, prejudicing and poisoning 
the minds of the credulous, who at present see neither the ob- 
ject nor baseness of their motives. 

The confidence which the Centres of this movement shall 
express will, it is to be hoped, restore faith in the deserving 
and awaken their lethargy or distrust, and make them stand 
aghast at the ravening wolves in fleecy raiment, who had been 
doing the work of the enemy by striving to sever the bond of 
unity which holds together so many thousands of staunch Irish- 
men, both at home and in America. 

The sentiments expressed in this letter are the sentiments 
of the Centres whose names are inscribed on the enclosed slip of 
paper, who would, if it were necessary go to New York to 
attest their confidence in S. and O'M. Now I add, my dear 
Luby, that these sentiments are fully indorsed by 
Your friend and brother, 

DENIS D. MULCAHY, JR. 

Thomas Clarke Luby, Esq. 



IV 

The following letter, written by John Mitchell in Paris in 
1861 to John O'Mahony in Ireland, was found among the lat- 
ter's papers after his death, and would seem to indicate that 
"The O'Donohue" was in sympathy with the principles of the 
I. R. B. 

It also anticipates the formation of a "Society" or organiza- 
tion for patriotic purposes, which should be conducted as far 
as possible within legal lines. In all probability the Brother- 
hood of St. Patrick was meant. 



Cioisy-le-roi, 1 Rue St. Nicholas, May 8, '61. 
My Dear O'Mahony: — You are still, I believe, in Ireland, so 
I write to you on the chance of my letter finding you. I have 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 165 

been expecting for a good while to hear from you and have felt 
a good deal more interest in your Phoenix Society since 1 
knew that you were in Ireland taking charge of it yourself. 
It is not so widely spread or so efficaciously armed and pre- 
pared as you would wish, and as I would wish, but still so far 
as it goes, and to the extent of its organization, it is good. 
I write now only to tell you that I have met The O'Donoghue 
(by appointment) at Boulogne and spent the day in conversa- 
tion with him. It appears to me that he is fully and minutely 
in accordance with both you and me on the hopes, chances and 
resources of the cause. And I wish that you were in communi- 
cation with him — so far as your system authorizes you to enter 
into communication with an outside man. 

He is to attempt in a day or two to present the national peti- 
tion to the Queen (it will be refused; that is, the Home Secre- 
tary will not even allow him an audience to present it), then 
he will present the City of Dublin petition in the House of 
Commons. It will be met, as he expects, with shrieks, coughs, 
^neezes. Then he will quit Parliament and go home to Ire- 
land, where it is probable he will ask the people to join in 
some organization for further measures. His new organization 
will not be illegal, but though ostensibly legal and open, it will 
and must naturally seek to connect itself with whatsoever se- 
cret machinations may be going on. That is to say, in other 
words, it will be an organization looking to revolution, foreign 
aid and more or less directly preparing for that, though for 
the moment within the forms of the law. I do seriously be- 
lieve O'D. to be honest and determined and thoroughgoing. 
You need not apprehend the influence of G. H. Moore. I think 
we have so arranged matters that we shall make use of him, 
not he of us. 

Will you ascertain the time that O'D. is to return to Ire- 
land and give him a meeting, either in Dublin or anywhere in 
Tipperary you please. He wishes it, and I advised it. But of 
course I do not imagine or suggest that you should tell him 
anything more than you would tell me. All I want to impress 
upon you is that he is earnestly bent on turning men's minds 
away from Parliament and away from English parties, and 
fully bent on inviting and cultivating French aid. 

And with such views he must be conscious, and is so, that 
your organization — to whatsfoever extent it may exist — is a 
power to be counted on. 

1 don't exactly know your address, but hope this will find 
you. If you write to me address to M. Andrew Wilson at this 
place. But I don't ask you to write, and perhaps it is better 
not, as I believe all letters to me or from me will soon be in 
danger of hostile inspection. All 1 mean is to certify to you 
that I think we may rely upon this man and that I would expect 
good results from an interview between you and him. 

Yours very truly, 

J. M. (John Mitchel.) 



166 APPENDIX TO 

V 

This letter was written by James Stephens to John O'Mahony 
and refers to the McManus funeral, the scene at Limerick 
Junction, etc. This was followed by a supplementary letter 
dated February 25, 1862, which should be read after this. 



Dublin, November 16, lSb'l. 

Brother: — This is not the time for a full explanation, the time 
and circumstances being unfavorable. Nor must you think 1 
feel at all bound to apologize for my long silence. In fact, 
I have not been silent. In proof of this, witness Father 0'*'.*S 
letters written at my suggestion; the Cork address, publicly 
recognizing vou, favored by me, and, at my request indorsed 
by the Dublin Committee, the Clonmel and Kilkenny ad- 
dresses written by me at a time I was in danger of death from 
over-exertion, etc., etc. Moreover, but for Father 's unex- 
pected departure you should have had a long letter — such a one 
as I could not entrust to the post. It shall be brought you by 
Capt. Smith, who will leave this place in a month or six weeks. 

Meantime the public press, to say nothing of the private 
communicntions you shall have received, ought to satisfy the 
most exigent of men. Apropos of Capt. S. He has given me 
and all my friends thorough satisfaction, and owing to your 
strong recommendation we have paid him such honor here as 
has rarely fallen to the lot of an Irishman. I have, how- 
ever, to prepare you against one mistake of his, to which you 
owe this note. The report of the American delegates was 
drawn up by Doheny, and, Capt. S. (who with this single ex- 
ception had submitted not only what the delegates had pre- 
viously written but the address, etc., of the various Irish depu- 
tations) not seeing anything to object to, posted the report 
wihout having let me see it. Now, from the very nature of 
Doheny's mind, I fear that report must be faulty in more ways 
than one: he may have written things better omitted, and 
he is sure to have omitted things of importance which should 
have found a place in it. Even you, owing to your absence, 
cannot be fully sensible of the whole importance of the omis- 
sions alluded to. You are, however, in a position to judge 
the exceptionable matter, and I call on you to strike out any- 
thing of the kind you detect. 

Astounding as the newspaper accounts of the funeral must 
appear to every Irishman in the States, the most favorable 
account is far below the reality. The funeral procession in 
Cork numbered from 80,000 to 100,000, about 8,000 walking in 
regular order. Such men as Denny Lane, John Francis Ma- 
guire, John O'Donnell, of Limerick, etc., were thunderstruck. 
They could not have believed such a demonstration possible 
without the co-operation of the clergy, at least, if not the 
leaders. Still, the opinion of such parties was that Dublin — 
rotten. Dublin — would be a blank failure! You will have 
heard of the sublimely touching scene at the Limerick Junction, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 167 

as well as the splendid reception at the Dublin station. You 
will also have heard of the thousands (from ten to sixteen 
thousand) who daily and nightly visited the Mechanic's Insti- 
tute during the week the remains lay in state there. 

An infamous (I write deliberately) attempt was made on 
Saturday night to make the burial next day a failure. This 
attempt was the work of Father Kenyon (the leader) John 
Martin, and such carrion as Cantwell, etc., even The O'Donohoe 
allowed himself to be wheedled into the affair, though he has 
since disconnected himself from the miserable clique, who 
were all utterly crushed by the wise and manful action of the 
committee. The scene on this occasion was equal to one of the 
stormy ones of the French convention, and never before had 
the Irish people given such proof of their ability to govern them- 
selves. Be your faith in them strong as mine is. Kenyon lost 
his wits all out — he insulted every member of the committee, 
and when leaving in a rage threatened to prevent the funeral 
next day, declaring: "You shall have no funeral." etc. 

He and others then went to Miss McManus and by calumny, 
etc., endeavored to prevail on her to interfere and have the 
body taken from the American delegation, Dublin committee, 
etc. They were miserably disappointed, having succeeded in 
nothing but to make themselves odious in Miss McManus's eyes 
as well as the eyes of every true heart in Ireland. What effect 
had their conduct on Sunday's demonstration? In numbers, 
feeling and order nothing like it has ever been witnessed in 
Dublin. One hundred and fifty thousand took part in the gen- 
eral procession, 30,000 marching in regular order. 

Post hour up. 

Yours fraternally, 

J. S. 



VI 

This long and exceedingly interesting letter of twelve closely 
written pages in the handwriting of James Stephens describes 
the events leading up to the McManus funeral in Dublin, and 
contains his personal and unflattering opinion of several men 
then prominent in Irish national affairs. It throws a strong 
light on the hidden influences behind the movement which 
made the McManus funeral an historic event. 



Dublin. February 25, (1862). 
To John O'Mahony, H. C. F. B., New York. 

Brother: — It is to-day exactly a month since I began a letter 
to you in the following words: "You have been expecting a 
letter and I send you a volume. This is not to excuse my 
long silence, convinced as I am of your having ascribed that 
silence to necessity or to notions, which, while unknown to 
you, have to me appeared cogent and wise. It is thus that 
one friend should ever interpret another; and knowing you, 
my friend, I am at ease about your constructions of my silence." 



i6«S APPENDIX TO 

I could not at present write anything more to the point than 
these words. But while deeming excuses as needless now as 
they then were I am more than ever pained at my inability to 
give you a full account of events since we parted. This inabil- 
ity has been chiefly owing to close confinement for more than 
three months. It is useless to say what the confinement itself 
has been owing to; but, however vulgar the cause (lack of 
means to move about), while this cause continues, a mental 
labor of any consequence will certainly be out of the ques- 
tion. 

Now, the volume promised at the head of this letter must 
be rather big and well written, else it had better not be written 
at all. This being so, you won't be expecting it over soon; 
though if I had only a week's good air and exercise in the 
country, it would not take me very long to write my volume, 
embracing a full account of the McManus funeral, the "mass 
meeting" at the Rotunda and all the infamous action of the 
"trusted leaders" in connection with these events. In the pres- 
ent letter I can barely glance at the foregoing matter. I shall 
call the McManus funeral a memorable deed, the proof and 
test of our words and toil. No man who took part in it, either 
in Cork or Dublin, can forget it while he lives; and the enemy 
(I mean the national muck still more than the British or even 
West British brood) will remember it long and well. It cer- 
tainly raised the national visor overmuch. 

This is to give faith to our transatlantic brothers. The face- 
cloth is removed from the dead nation, and lo! instead of a 
dead face the living lines of strength and resolve are seen! It 
was a grand triumph. Was it a judicious one? You know 
what I think of it; but I will here say that had we been fairly 
supported even then immediately after the funeral we should 
have wrought great results out of the feeling awakened*; 
whereas that feeling may now be said to have injured rather 
than served the cause. This and oth?r things will not, how- 
ever, be sufficiently clear to you till you shall have read the 
promised volume. Our words were first proved publicly true, 
our strength first publicly manifested beyond a doubt on the 
3d of last November. This was in Cork city. I do not under- 
take to sav what the government thought of that demonstra- 
tion. Cork had nobly earned a name for disaffection to British 
rule and it may be the government, if a little alarmed, was not 
taken altogether by surprise. But were its functionaries at all 
prepared for what took place in Dublin on the following Sun- 
day? Assuredly they were not, and it is scarcely too much 
to say that, if foreseen, they would have prevented it by royal 
proclamation. 

Never has anything comparable to it been witnessed in this 
city. The National (?) newspapers have given you but a 
wretched notion of it, and even "honest John Mitchell" glean- 
ing his information from these papers and their hacks, or 
through notions I don't profess to know, grossly understated 
its magnitude and misconstrued its origin and significance. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. [69 

One hundred and fifty thousand men took part in the Dublin 
procession, 30,000 of them marching in regular order! Think 
of this multitude walking such a distance in such weather to 
honcr a rebel's dust! Remember, too, that every man of all 
that host uncovered as he passed the spot where Robert Emmet 
died! It was an act of scorn and defiance of British rule almost 
tantamount to an act of open rebellion. Those who organized 
that funeral — who worked up the people of Dublin to all this 
feeling, spirit, power and order — could easily (and would had 
they but arms) have brought them to revolt — to revolution. 
Believe me, dear friend, that every man who saw the people 
on this occasion or who heard about them from reliable sources 
— trust me, I say, that every such man who still doubts the 
people is himself rotten to the heart's core. And not less a 
humbug — not less utterly rotten is that nationalist who, aware 
of our action in the McManus funeral, still doubts us. For all 
was done by our body. 

A single fact proves this to a demonstration: those parts of 
Ireland, and those alone worked up by us, sent delegates to the 
funeral! This is a very significant fact to be brought home to 
the heart of every true Irishman, proving as it unquestionably 
proves, that outside our ranks there is no national life in 
Ireland. And in America, too, may we not claim the work as 
almost exclusively ours? Be this as it may at our side, we 
can allow no share at all to mere outsiders; the work was 
ours from beginning to end. I repeat, then, that the Irisn 
Nationalist, who, aware of cur action in the McManus fun- 
eral, still questions our power and ability is utterly rotten. 

Now, the clique — the "trusted leaders" and their small tail — 
were thoroughly aware of the work being ours in all its bear- 
ings. It is but justice to them to say that they did not think 
we would have made it anything like what it turned out. But 
in doing them this justice de wo not stamp them with political 
blindness and incapacity? Oh! could they only have foreseen 
the great result! How promptly they would have taken action 
on the committee! — how gladly have got the direction of af- 
fairs into their own hands! By this means they might have 
staved off — not to say prevented altogether — the coming events 
that are now ringing in their ears like the crack o'doom! Poor 
purblind and bungling cravens! Oh! they were far from fore- 
seeing what we were preparing for them. It is true they got a 
hint (how, it is needless to say) that the word funeral meant 
insurrection! It must be still more needless to say that thai 
hint introduced them, as the fact says, "to a few of the sen- 
sations!" Yet it had been proved to them in a way to set 
brave men at ease that there would be no insurrection — that I, 
almost at the cost of my life from excessive toil, had made 
that next to impossible. 

Whether they were at ease or not is more than I undertake 
to say. However this be, they used the hint not against those 
who wildly and criminally contemplated a rising at the time, 
but against me, without whose efforts the quickening spirit of 



r;o APPENDIX TO 

the land might have been layed forever; a small share of blood- 
letting would have done it then. But mark how baseness is the 
mother of inconsistency. While calling us firebrands, likely to 
plunge the country into bloody strife, the consequences of 
which were horrible to contemplate, they, in the same breatii, 
asserted that we were only a few rash enthusiasts, who, could 
we get up a fight at all, would be put down by a handful of 
military! The government, they said, though fully aware of 
our doings, despised us too much to give us any attention at 
all! The funeral, they whiningly prophesied, would be a blank 
failure! Was this their reason for standing aloof from us? 
Or was it sheer fear that kept them away, till, on the 3d of 
November, the city of Cork gave the first great public proof 
of a nation fully awakened, if not arisen, and showed them 
the necessity of doing something to prevent us from proving 
further that not the people but they were base? For it is 
manifest to all who have followed the careers of these men — 
the "trusted leaders" — that the triumph of the people would be 
their infamy. The "trusted" knew this well, none better, and 
so they set themselves blindly and bunglingly as usual to pre- 
vent the people's triumph. 

Plottings, born of many-sided baseness, began in earnest 
from the day the remains were borne into Dublin, where the 
clique had mustered in all their strength. I cannot, for the 
present, show up the nefarious action of the clique. They 
fancied it all hidden from us and hoped to steal a march on 
us. Their immediate object was to get the direction of the 
McManus committee into their own hands, taking to them- 
selves the whole credit of the work; their ultimate object to 
break up our organization, and either found a legal agitation 
or reduce the national action to a mere aspiration after unat- 
tainable liberty. 

We were prepared for them. The battle between us took 
place at the committee room the night before the funeral. 
Kenyon and John Martin, backed by the presence of The 
O'Donohue and the blackguardism of Cantwell and a few 
others, formed (he opposition. We were very strong; besides 
the whole body of the committee (which numbered more than 
thirty of ours) there were present some of the American depu- 
tation and several provincial delegates. The first move of the 
enemy was for nothing less than the mastery of the commit- 
tee! Kenyon was the chief agent in this. He was met and utter- 
ly defeated by the Doctor (Luby). On this occasion the Doctor 
took even our friend by surprise and raised himself to his just 
ievel in their eyes. Kenyon's second move was to prevent the 
delivery of the oration. You know he had been offered and 
declined the honor of speaking on this occasion. The offer was 
repealed, Lis refusal also, and the reasons for the refusal were 
pitiful. 

All the "trusted" had been invited to speak and all had re- 
fused. Then it was the committee decided on appointing Capt. 
Smith. On hearing of Smith's appointment some days pre- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 171 

viously, Kenyon expressed great satisfaction. Why, then, this 
attempt to do away with the oration? Kenyon had recom- 
mended that it should be written beforehand. This had already 
been decided on by us. In short, every condition Kenyon had 
previously desired happened to chime in with our decisions. 
Why, then, it may again be asked, this opposition to the 
speech? The reason of it is plain as the way to the parish 
church. He came to know that the oration would be written by 
me. This was alarming! No man knew the action of the dead 
as well as I; none, therefore, could speak of him with more 
authority. All well and good, but what might not I say! I 
knew the action of the quick as well as the dead; and, in speak- 
ing of the latter, how did 1 mean to treat the former! They 
knew their action could not bear the light. What if I should 
show up the shortcomings of the ^hole clique in '48! What 
if the Sage of Templederry himself should be found to be any- 
thing but a hero! Could they have laid on me, who dreams 
they would have spared me? We judge others by ourselves, 
"wanting the mental range." It would, then, be hard to blame 
the "trusted" for trying to avoid such an exposure as was to 
be apprehended from so uncompromising a hand as mine! 
Really, he should sympathize with the poor clique in their 
anxiety to prevent this dreadful oration! 

The Sage of Templederry did his best to procure an abortion. 
Again he met and was baffled and utterly defeated by the doc- 
lor. He then — nay, almost from the beginning — lost all self- 
control and behaved like a lunatic — to use a gentle expression. 
He repeatedly told the committee that he despised — he scorned 
them! that they were a poor — a miserable committee! etc., etc. 
All this was borne by my friends; because they don't forget 
the reverence due to the spiritual character of the priest, even 
when, as in the present case, he shows himself a bad man. At 
times, however, the bearing and language of Father Kenyon 
were so outrageous that the cry, "Put him out!" was fierce and 
general. On another occasion 1 shall give you all necessary de- 
tails of a meeting which, viewed in all its hearings and conse- 
quences, will rank among the most memorable of our history; 
on this night a great principle — the sovereignty of the people- 
was, for the first time, really struggled for and nobly won in 
Ireland. 

As already said, this second defeat made Kenyon frantic. 
Rushing to the door he turned and said: "You'll have no ora- 
tion — no funeral! I'll take the body away from you!" If not 
certified by unimpeachable testimony, you could scarcely deem 
him capable of the infamy he threatened to perpetrate. He 
meant what he said, however, and did his best to carry it out. 
He rushed into the presence of Miss McManus (who was stop- 
ping with the American deputation at the Shelbourne Hotel) 
and tried to persuade her to take her brother's remains out of 
the hands of that pagan committee that he might give them 
Christian burial! 
Now, the clique had been all the week — especially since the 



i7-' APPENDIX TO 

appointment of Smith as speaker — tampering with Miss Mc- 
Manus, endeavoring to make her dissatisfied with the commit- 
tee. It cost us a good deal of trouble to set her mind at ease. 
Therefore, when Kenyon rushed in, in this wild way, and with 
his unscrupulous utterances threw her into a state of bewild- 
ered excitement, it is hard to say what might have been the 
consequences had there been no friend tnere to reassure her. 
Fortunately Capt. Smith was present and restored her con- 
fidence in the committee. Before he had succeeded in doing so 
completely Jeremiah Kavanagh, who had witnessed Kenyon's 
pranks at the meeting, came in and speedily and utterly routed 
the Sage of Templederry and the Muse of Loughorm, who 
was with him in this vile attempt. This was their final defeat. 

I have already told you what the funeral was next day; but 
annthei time I mean to give you full details of this and every- 
thing noteworthy since we parted. In this promised narrative 
you will clearly see what the people are as well as the "trusted 
leaders," and from it you can easily understand why the failure 
of '48 has become a byword of scorn in the world. On the heads 
of the 'trusted leaders" alone should all this scorn fall. Never, 
it may be fairly said, did such little natures chance to lead a 
people. At no time and in no way can they give proof of any- 
thing but littleness. 

No sooner were the best honors paid to the dead than the 
base-born plottings which had preceded the burial were re- 
newed. The drift of them all was to put us down! Noble 
natures, however erring, true Nationalists, however differing 
in opinion or modes of operation, would have had some grati- 
tude to the men who had made manifest to all our race that 
the home-ciinging children of the Sacred Isle — those by whom 
our liberty must, be mainly if not altogether achieved — were 
alive to their duty, powerful and healthily linked together for 
action big with glorious promise. In the proof of this given by 
us at the funeral these infinitessimally little could only see a 
reason for the barest hostility! We were dangerous, they said, 
and should be put down! More easily wished and said, how- 
ever, than done. How put us down? Some tried balmy con- 
ciliation, hoping to worm themselves into our confidences, that 
they might betray, or that we should at least tolerate them 
till they were strong enough to strike. We knew, however, that 
these gentle conciliators had tongues and pens perpetually com- 
ing slander like a mint. Others of the clique, without any 
share of honey at all, secretly voided this gall on us with 
odious liberality. Foremost among these was Kenyon. He let 
slip no opportunity of slandering us in a way that accuses him 
of almost unleavened turpitude. A letter of his, which I may 
copy for you at another time, goes next to prove him irredeem- 
ably bad. On reading this most woeful production I at once 
stigmatized it as "a brassy, mendacious, silly and malignant 
epistle!" In a word, it would take many sheets to give you a 
fair idea of the doings of the clique between the burial and 
the mass meeting. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 173 

Don't for an instant forget the drift of all their efforts— 
chiefly to break up our work! No means were too base for 
them; but nothing they could devise gave promise of probable 
success. An organization of some kind seemed to them essen- 
tial — of the driftlessly peaceable and legal kind, I should have 
said; none other would suit. They had all the organizing ele- 
ments of driftless agitation— "trusted leaders," "patriotic" 
journalists, promising M. P.'s et hoc genus omne! Indeed, one 
element of the clique — the aspirationists — were necessarily op- 
posed to everything but the driftless; another — the "patriotic" 
journalists — clamored Tor it as the sole means of keeping shop 
open; and might not a third be borne on it to that land ot 
promise, to "National" respectable Parliament, with its vistas 
opening to ecstatic spots beyond! 

But whatever the individual reasons of the clique for drift- 
ing on this driftless agitation one hope and aim they had in 
common— to put us down! To this end an organization was 
essential. Gods! only grant them that! It would save some 
of them from ruin, almost all of them from shame! How 
is it to be realized? They have no influence — no opportunity 
and rallying crv to get up an influence for the home! The 
active Nationalists of Dublin are with us, yet where but in 
Dublin should a business like theirs be started! Besides, are 
we not everywhere! We ring them round about and the ring 
is fire! They hate and fear us in their agony! Gods! will you 
only grant them the power to crush us! Ever so wee an organ- 
ization will do it: for, have they not a many mouthed pi'ess, 
and should they fail in having us arrested by private canvass- 
ings of our doings — hints thrown out in a sympathetic way to 
friendly government officials — could they not have public re- 
course to the patriotic (modern) duty of Felon-setting? This 
duty would, at first, take the shape of friendly warnings to 
such over-ardent or misguided individuals as had become or 
thought of becoming members of secret societies! The govern- 
ment, of course, would be supposedly blind to those warnings! 
Should said warnings produce no effect on us— or the govern- 
ment — then were the honorable heads of the contemplated or- 
ganization to come forth and point to us — set us — individually 
or in groups, but so as to admit of no possible mistake, as 
members of a dangerous "secret society," condemned by law 
and religion, to be shunned by true Irishmen and hunted to 
death or exiled by British authority! 

We have called this Felon-setting, having lacked a word 
to express an infamy so abominable that you may well ask 
yourself if even the "trusted" could have sunk to that base- 
ness; that is, astounded and disgusted, you might have ques- 
tioned my words, were they not proved beyond doubt or cavil 
by the organs of the clique! Bat I anticipate. As yet the 
infamy had not taken its blackest shape and was, as they sup- 
posed, unsuspected by us. We were to be thrown off our guard 
till they could strike with effect — as a publicly organized body. 
Ttteir inability + o organize any such body was fast becoming 



i74 APPENDIX TO 

a chronic agony, and they were at their wits' end when tne 
news came of the arrest of Mason and Slidell. 

They seized on the news with the grasp of despair, meaning 
to make that their opportunity! They improvised a meeting 
composed of some of the clique — not the best or most influential 
— and the few weak or rotten creatures whom they had won 
or hoped to win over; not one of the men whose efforts had 
produced the McManus demonstration was invited; the really 
active members of the National petition and St. Patrick's 
Brotherhood committees were also ignored; in short, the meet- 
ing — about a score in all! — was almost exclusively confined to 
as worthless a brood as the "patriotism" of this country has 
ever brought to the surface! Yet the fellows at this hole-and- 
corner meeting had the brass to babble of a great national 
association, embracing all classes and parties, founded and 
welded to I know not what results by them! 

I have already mentioned how they set about this union of 
all classes and parties by the studied exclusion of those who 
had reawakened the spirit and shaped into an active power the 
scattered and helpless fragments of our race. Let us now 
rapidly note their action far as it has gone. On the 29th of 
November those members of the clique already attended to 
held a preliminary meeting at the European Hotel. They 
called it "a large and most respectable meeting of National- 
ists!" You know what it really was. "A resolution was 
adopted," we are informed by the Morning News of the 30th 
of November, "to the effect that a meeting be held at the Round 
Room, Rotunda, on as early a day as that plan of meeting can 
be had, which, it was ascertained, would be on next Thursday." 
Verily, on as early a day as possible! They had reasons for 
seizing opportunity by the forelock and stealing a march on 
us! To this end. they at first purposed to hold the sensation 
meeting on Monday; but on inquiry found the room could not 
be had till Thursday. We are further informed by that vera- 
cious and "patriotic" organ, the Morning News, that "the most 
perfect harmony and unanimity prevailed among the gentle- 
men present" at this preliminary meeting, and that they "trust 
important and beneficial results will accrue from the move- 
ment!" 

The truth is that scandalous bickerings and language was 
the order of the day at this most important gathering! And 
what is tc be said about the "results?" A legal agitation has 
always been debasing and delusive in this country. Bad, there- 
fore, at the best, I leave you to guess the "results" of one 
founded and directed by such men as these! Well, the "Trent 
affair" gives them the anxiously longed-for opportunity and 
rallying-cry at last: It is only just to say that they do their 
best to turn them to account. But their best, alas! I am in no 
mode to hit off their trouble, toil and bubble — yet, of soap; only 
the high fantastic tricks they played — not in authority, how- 
ever brief, but merely struggling for it! — must have given the 
angels excess of weeping! In sooth, the faith of the poor clique 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 175 

is sad and very sad. Saddest of all is the fact that, as the 
day of the sensation meeting draws nigh, it introduces them 
to such queer sensations that many a man of them would give 
the apple of his eye to avoid eating the fruit they are likely 
to gather from it! How has it come to this? They have been 
given to understand that the "silent men" — "those fellows who 
can do anything" — have been reading them through and 
through! — that their aims — proximate and ultimate— are known 
in all their bearings! — that we are brooding over — nay, have 
actually matured — a plan of action, and that said plan involves 
nothing less than utter exposure and defeat' to the clique! It 
ic horrible! 

What do we really mean? What can we do? Long as it 
pleases us nobody can tell them what we do mean; but all 
are of opinion that we can do anything we like! Most hor- 
rible! Overtures are now made to us! Six of our friends will 
be allowed to take counsel with them, and may suggest changes 
in or then modify their programme! The rascals! how easy to 
bet our chosen men afterwards! Without an order from me 
not one of my friends would now sit in council with them. 

This was told chem diplomatically, though our loathing of such 
carrion made our gorge rise at it. What, they then whined, 
did we mean to do? — would we violently obstruct the proceed- 
fngs of the meeting and so give room to the common enemy to 
gloat over our dissensions? They were given clearly to know 
that our intent was in no way wicked or damnable: it was far 
from our minds to offer any obstruction to the meeting; we 
would give a fair hearing to any speaker who did not show 
himself a rascal or a blackguard; and finally, we meant to 
confine our action to suitable amendments to obnoxious reso- 
lutions, or perhaps, a resolution of our own. They felt our 
words were bitter-sweet; but it was well to know that no 
bones would be broken; again might not our amendment or reso- 
lution be big with discomfiture! "Sweet heavens!" shall their 
tribulations never end! Fain would they know the exact form 
our amendment or resolution would take. 

On this head we are vague, but renew the assurance that 
our action shall be strictly in accordance with the usual rules 
of public assemblies. Vain assurance! Again they are turning 
in a ring of fire! Few would really pity them, deeming their 
agony the just punishment of their wilful guilt. To make them 
the more loathsome — to us, especially, who understand this 
drift — they keep up between the preliminary and "mass meet- 
ing" a constant whine about "forgetfulness of past differences," 
"mutual toleration," "union of all parties!" etc. Their yell, or 
roar, is, if possible, still more odious than their whine. Only 
a week ago they were whining in voice more soft than any 
sucking dove for "independent members" — "to make known our 
grievances!" etc. Hark! they are now yelling — roaring lion- 
like as stout bully Bottom — and the burthen is: "Imminent 
war with America!" "The Crisis!!!" Now, this yell and whine 
is a loathsome monster and elder brother to Blurt and Funk. 



170 APPENDIX TO 

The family of these amorphous giants, however, is very ancient 
and widespread, especially in this country, and at one time 
possessed great influence here, only the shadow of whicn 
influence now, happily, remains. All the family were ogres 
and feed on the people — eating their flesh, drinking their blood 
and sucking their marrow. It would be useful to trace the 
action of the whole race, and I myself should dearly love to 
portray the brothers Yell and Whine and Blurt and Funk, to- 
gether with their numerous offspring. 

For the present, however, I can only sketch one darling child, 
claimed alike by both the brothers. The name of this child is 
'Crisis." He has been the chronic bone of Ireland — a more 
fatal bone than Discord, Feud, Famine, or any other begotten 
by the enemy to perpetuate this rule and is only equaled by 
the monster Home-treason, and his younger brother, Fellon- 
setter. A bone, I say— a disease — a devil's scourge has this 
Crisis proved to us. Yet is he accounted "patriotic!" Who 
does not know his favorite rallying cry: "England's difficulty 
is Ireland's opportunity!" Blind, base and deplorable motto 
and motive to action. Owing to it, the work that should never 
have stood still has been taken up in feverish fits and starts 
and always out of season, to fall into collapse, when each 
fresh "opportunity" has slipped by in the wake of all the pre- 
ceding ones. Ireland's trained and marshaled manhood alone 
can ever make — could ever have made — Ireland's opportunity. 

This opportunity the manhood of our Ireland alone, without 
the aid of any foreign power — without even the aid of our exile 
brother — could have been made any time these thirty years; 
and, whether England was at peace or war, with this manhood 
alone we could have won our own. But our countrymen, alas! 
giving ear to Crisis, with his imbecile or cheating or craven 
cry of "English difficulty," stood, mouth agape, and over and 
over again, waiting— "biding their time" — till "opportunity" 
came and left them as before. Twice, not to say thrice, this 
has been the case even in our own day; so that I have come 
to feel as if I could curse every barren lunatic, dastard or 
knavish clod who raises these dog-souled cries. 

Now, on the first report of the "Trent affair" the monster, 
Crisis, who is sleeping in collapse, is stirred up by Clique, got 
on his legs and made to stalk through the land, making day 
and night hideous. Let us see what, in fear and trembling, 
they try to make of the stalking monster. Their "resolutions" 
give fair enough glimpses of what they are about. These reso- 
lutions, four in number, are to be served up, "cut and dry," at 
the "Mass Meeting." To the three first — expressive of sym- 
pathy with and gratitude to America, and a whine about har- 
mony at home — we will offer no opposition, though fully aware 
of what they mean by "harmony;" but, with our knowledge of 
the men — their antecedents and present motives and aims — it 
is clearly our duty to take action on the fourth resolution, 
worded thus: 

"Resolved. That the Chairman, Secretary, proposers and sec- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 177 

onders of resolutions, be constituted a committee to invite a 
conference of the leading Nationalists of Ireland, for the pur- 
pose of drawing up and recommending a national organization, 
to be subsequently submitted for approval to a public meeting." 

So, you see, the Clique are to have it all their own way; the 
"Chairman, Secretary (as they fancy), proposers and seconders 
of resolutions," are theirs, and these, the self-constituted pre- 
liminary (No. 2) committee, are to invite "leading National- 
ists," theirs also — else they won't be invited — to found, etc., the 
grand national organization! A beautiful plan, the birth or 
brass and blindness! Pity it should have been marred by a 
nasty plan, the child of strength and foresight. Here is our 
amendment to the fourth resolution; or, should they withdraw 
it, the substantive resolution we were prepared to carry: 

"Resolved, That a Chairman, 2 Secretaries and a Committee 
of 21 members — each having been duly and separately pro- 
posed and seconded — be chosen by a majority of voices at this 
'Mass Meeting,' to take into consideration the advisability of 
an organization in the present state of affairs at home and 
abroad." 

What fair objection could the Clique-Faction make to this? 
None that the merest political dabbler cannot easily see 
through. At a public meeting convened by themselves, we 
openly appeal to the broad principle of universal suffrage; so 
that if, as has been frequently and brassily asserted, they 
have, and we have not, public confidence, their triumph and 
our defeat is certain. What better opportunity for proving 
the truth of their words? And who that knows the men and 
their agonizing position can think that, did it offer the least 
hope of success, they would have let it slip? They, forsooth, 
gave way in order to prevent a row! Decorous and conscien- 
tious Felon-setters! But lying is easy to natures combined in 
a compact of baseness. They know there would be no dis- 
turbance, that even the branded National-approvers would be 
patiently listened to; but they, also, knew that, at the coming 
meeting, our relative strength would be more than ten to one! 
This is the secret of their forbearance! The Chairman, Sec- 
retaries and Committee appointed by us will show you that our 
whole course was marked by great moderation and forbearance 
as well as by practical good sense. We accepted the Chairman 
of their own choice. Remembering that The O'Donohoe's con- 
duct, with regard to the National Petition, had been more than 
equivocal, and that he had been in very bad company the week 
before the Funeral, the wisdom of this acceptance may be 
questioned; but his letter about the McManus Committee 
seemed fair atonement for what appeared only a chance con- 
nection with the Clique, and he promised to explain his action 
in the National Petition movement; besides, a certain number 
of influential friends were desirous of giving him what they 
called "a fair trial." 

We, also, accepted the Secretary chosen by the Clique, not 
one of whom could object to the Secretary added by us. On 



i;8 APPENDIX TO 

our Committee we admitted seven of the Clique. The remain- 
ing fourteen were ours; but let us glance at this public title 
to the distinction conferred on them. Every man of them were 
members of the McManus Committee, to say nothing of their 
labors on the Committee of the National Petition and St. 
Patrick's Brotherhood; so that, independent of their efforts 
and position in our movement, they were the chosen men of 
every public one for years. The Funeral alone proved what 
they were capable of and the "Mass Meeting" has given them 
an additional claim on the gratitude and confidence of the 
country at large. 

When writing in full, I shall go into all the merits of the 
course pursued by us, merely saying, for the present, that, in 
my opinion, time has shown it the wisest we could have hit on. 
Though our plan had been matured for some days, my friends, 
for obvious reasons, did not receive final instructions till the 
night before the meeting. Some were rather anxious about tne 
lesult. This was natural enough; for, spite of the victory the 
night before the Funeral, and the magnificent triumph next 
day, as yet they had not become fully confident in their own 
strength and ability. The "Mass Meeting," among other con- 
sequences, has taught them all unshakable self-reliance! 

I can now say but a few words about the meeting itself. I 
suppose you have seen the Round Room, Rotunda. It can 
accommodate 5,000 men on foot. The night in question, this 
vast room was so full that several fainted during the proceed- 
ings! The O'Donohoe, on taking the chair, was long and 
loudly cheered; his speech, too, was often and warmly ap- 
plauded; in short, any amount of popular craving sought to 
have him satisfied by the reception he met with. The business 
of the meeting then went on in a very enthusiastic way, the 
speakers being cheered in direct proportion to the treason in- 
volved in their words! Even T. D. Goula was applauded when 
he apostrophised the spirit of Robert Emmet! It was sad to 
bear the sacred name in such a mouth, and many a hand was 
clenched as the wretch dared to utter it; but they promised 
self-control and they steadily kept their promise to the end. 
Soon they were amply recompensed. The time for action had 
come and Jeremiah Kavanagh rose to put our "resolution." I 
am too unwell to give you other than a poor notion of the 
scene that followed, and so will not try to describe it. 

Compared to Kavanagh's reception that given The O'Donohoe 
was pitifully tame. Seldom has any man quickened such in- 
tense enthusiasm. Before uttering a word, what we knew 
already was clear to the most incredulous of the Clique — that 
the meeting was ours. I leave you to guess their feelings! The 
plight of the Goulas, in particular, beggars description; in their 
minds, at least, our friends had realized their instructions to 
the letter — "to make the 'Ayes' for Kavanagh's motion ring 
in the Rotunda like the crack o' doom!" 

Unless promptly backed by our transatlantic brothers and 
even now, supplied with the funds which, owing to bitter dis- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 179 

tress, cannot be had at home, agitation is at an end forever! 
Is our faith in you, over there, built on shifting sands! Are 
you awake to the duty and the position in which the McManus 
Demonstration has placed you and us? 

The "Mass Meeting" would never have been heard of but 
for the Funeral! At this meting we again meet and crush the 
enemy! Felon-setting remains to them; and, though not so 
mischievous as they might have made it, had they only known 
how, still it may do us cruel injury. But even this work — this 
infamy meeting, the curse of all our race and yet so easily 
consummated — they cannot help but botch! They overshoot 
the mark! Apparently, the government has only to let us 
alone, and, like the notorious cats, we shall eat each other up 
1o the very tails! This is how we interpret the forbearance 
of the government hitherto. If correct, the Felon-setters have 
probably done us involuntary service — prevented what the 
McManus Demonstration had made not unlikely. However 
this may be, we look on the conduct of our American brothers 
as very culpable. After the Funeral, at least, their aid should 
have been speedy and unstinted. Having, to give you faith, 
having consented to publicly show our strength, we should have 
had support to neutralize the risk we ran. With liberal means 
we should have done such work as to defy the Felon-setter 
and his masters. May we look for this aid from you even now? 

J. S. (James Stephens.) 



VII 

The following letter was written by Charles J. Kickham 
from the office of "The Irish People" to John O'Mahony in 
New York, is an urgent appeal for funds with which to carry 
on that publication. The "Power" referred to is James 
Stephens. Here for the first time are given Stephens' reasons 
for publishing a newspaper. 



Irish People Office, 
12 Parliament St., Dublin, Jan. 1, 1864. 
J. O'Mahony: 

My Dear Friend; I wrote you a hurried note five weeks ago. 
I hoped to receive a iine from you before this, and begin to 
feel a little disappointed at not hearing from you. However, 
I was glad to see that you had done something before you re- 
ceived my letter. It is more than probable if it were not for 
the timely aid we should have gone down before now. I am 
after having a long conversation with W. Power. It is his 
unalterable opinion that all is lost if the paper goes down. 
Nearly all the best men agree with him. They say the paper is 
d necessity as a source of revenue — which it is sure to supply 
if once properly established. It has been put as a test to the 
country and P. can have no confidence in the country if it 
cannot or will not support this project. Our men are doing 
their duty in the districts where the true state of the case has 



i8o APPENDIX TO 

been laid before them. But this has only been done in a few 
places, and it cannot be done till P. is enabled to take a tour 
through the country. After this tour he would be sure of a 
circulation of 15,000 on this side of the water. He calculates 
that you would be able to secure one third of this, that is 
5,000 in America. This once done a splendid success would be 
certain, and our cause would assume a position at home and 
abroad which would secure for it the respect of all friends of 
liberty in every quarter of the globe. Think seriously of this; 
and then think of the other side of the question. There is 
no use in shutting our eyes to the past; ruin is inevitable if the 
"Irish People" be a failure. The reason of this is because the 




CHARLES J. KICKHAM. 



best man in the country is determined to give up the cause 
as a delusion if this project cannot be successfully worked. 
In fact, our ship is at this moment among the breakers, and if 
you cannot come to our assistance we are lost. If you cannot 
raise £300 within one week after the receipt of this letter all 
it over. 

Write at once to all your friends. Let them beg or borrow 
the money. Keep back the monthly remittance to pay it and 
if necessary let the proceeds of the Chicago Fair go for the 
same purpose. Several of our leading men were for sending 



DEN IE FEES RECOLLECTIONS. i& 

Rome one out to you but P. would not have it lest you should 
feel annoyed by the step. They replied that if some immediate 
steps were not taken to let you know the state of our affairs 
that a collapse at once would be inevitable. P. then said that 
he thought a letter from me would have as good an effect, 
or perhaps better, than sending out a messenger — to say noth- 
ing of expense of the latter course. This satisfied our friends 
and now I have written to you. For God's sake do what is 
required. I am sure at all events the Chicago men will do 
their part. Remember me there. You will have seen by the 
papers that I got the letter which you sent. 

On looking over this hurried scrawl I find I omitted to say 
that it is expected that 1,000 of the 5,000 papers which ought 
to be sold in America must be taken by subscribers cash in 
advance. These thousand subscribers you must try and send 
within a month after the receipt of this. 

I should like to write at length to you about many things, 
but my mind is too disturbed for this. In fact, I feel anxious 
when I think how much depends upon your response to the 
appeal I have made to you. I have implicit trust in you. I 
expect a reply from you that will heal old wounds and save the 
good old cause from the peril which threatens its very life. 
Believe me as ever, 

Yours sincerely and fraternally, 

CHARLES J. KICKHAM. 



VIII 

This letter, from James Stephens to John O'Mahony, was 
taken to the U. S. by Michael Joseph Egan of Tuam, a 
member of the F. B., who was forced to leave Ireland. Steph- 
ens recommends him strongly to O'Mahony: 



Dublin, March 13, 1863. 

John O'Mahony, Brother: Though more than usually desirous 
of writing a long letter to you, I find I can send you but a 
few lines. I am far from well, owing to various causes, but 
chiefly to confinement, and am, moreover, pressed for time. 
The accompanying copy of a letter just written to Father 
O'Flaherty contains some matter you must be anxious to know. 
A great deal of the letter you have, in one shape or other, al- 
ready read; but you will find something new in it nevertheless. 
I am sorry I did not find myself in a better mood for writing, 
as I should very much like to please Father O'Flaherty. An- 
other time, I hope to do my work better. I also send a copy 
of it to Mr. Gibbons of Philadelphia. 

I have to acknowledge the receipt of the two money orders, 
each for £10, and to the credit of Langan and O'Shaughnessy. 
I have also to acknowledge receipt of several numbers of the 



182 APPENDIX TO 

Boston Pilot to my friends. The meeting in Philadelphia was 
a good idea and I am well pleased with the speeches: Capt. 
Smith's is to the point, Jeremiah Kavanagh's telling as usual, 
and Doheny'^- made to cover a load of sins. Pity there should 
be any fault to find with a man who can speak so. Your own 
speech contains some thorough hard-hitting points, and has 
given much satisfaction to myself and friends. We have just 
got out the report in pamphlet form and mean to circulate it 
widely. It will be the starring point for a punishment which 
I mean to make an example to all time; for I have the will, and 
cannot believe I lack the ability, to make the infamy of the 
Felon-setters an immortal abomination to all honest Irishmen. 

When I spoke of going to America about the month of April, 
I calculated on getting funds to accomplish a certain amount 
of work before I started. Owing to the great distress at home, 
I have not been able to raise the necessary funds, and I have 
received nothing worth speaking of from your side. Mr. Gib- 
bon's sent a check for £40, but I had to refund £30 of it 
(money advanced for the work) in Cork, when the check 
was made payable. As I must give up my project of travel till 
my work is done here a you need not be expecting me lor at 
least three months; nor even then, unless I can raise or receive 
money. The want of money has been a far greater injury than 
all our enemies could have done us, and the longer the want 
continues the greater the injury will be. It is, under the 
present circumstances especially, hard for us to understand 
our transatlantic brothers, and every man among us deems 
himself injured. 

Bearer, Mr. Michael Joseph Egan, of Tuarn, is a brother, 
and has done some work in his native place. Family circum- 
stances force him to go to the States. He is a draper by pro- 
fession and would gladly find employment at his business, fail- 
ing in which he must enter the army. He served in the Pope's 
Brigade. I have to recommend him in the strongest manner; 
and though he did but a small amount of work, I may safely 
say the fault was not his; in this, as so many other in- 
stances, want of communication prevented progress. Had he 
been able to remain, he wouid have been a good workman; 
as it is, what he has accomplished is safe in the hands of one 
cf his friends. Yours faithfully, J. S. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 183 

IX 

The two following letters were written by James Stephens 
when traveling in the United States in 1864. One is dated from 
Chicago and the other from Louisville, Ky. In these letters 
he tells the measure of success received by him in various 
cities from the Circles visited. He signed his letters J. D. and 
J. Daly. In writing from Louisville he deprecates the idea 
of "Red Jim" McDermot being permitted to go out on a lec- 
turing tour from New York as a representative of the Fenian 
Brotherhood. 



Chicago, June 1, 1864. 

John O'Mahcny, Brother and Friend: My visit to Memphis 
was a successful one. I did not find so strong a Circle there 
as I have been led to expect, but the men are good and 
acted spiritedly. Mr. McCarthy was with me; and, on our re- 
turn to Cairo, he saw and addressed that Circle again with 
good effect. 

I got here last night. Fortunately the 23rd are here and I 
meet them to-night at Fenian Hall. To-morrow I leave for 
Milwaukee to meet that Circle in the evening. On leaving 
Milwaukee, my course will be as follows: Detroit, Friday even- 
ing; Toledo, Saturday evening; Sandusky, Sunday evening; 
Tiffin, Monday evening; Cleveland, Tuesday evening; Buffalo, 
Wednesday evening. As I believe we have no great strength 
at Suspension Bridge, I don't think I shall go there. If not, I 
shall probably go straight from Buffalo to New York; in which 
case, you maybe expecting me to-morrow night week. Don't, 
however, engage me to any meeting till I see you, as it would 
require very good fortune to go over the ground laid down in 
the time stated. Soon as I get up, you can make any arrange- 
ments you deem fit. 

I am glad to find you agree with me anent that Nashville 
gentleman. Also, that you have had a letter from Nashville 
and sent a reply. Be sure to keep the folk there up to monthly 
communication. 

You mention having written a long letter to Smith; and you 
add that, even if he publish it, no injury can be done. I sin- 
cerely hope so, for the man is not reliable. 

You, also, mention having had a visit from a Kilkenny friend 
and a Callan friend, and how you don't like what they say 
about the spirit in their districts — how you fear a cry is being 
raised of their being abandoned by their chiefs in the hour of 
danger. For many reasons you should not have written this, 
though one reason alone will suffice to prove it; it cannot pos- 
sibly be. So that your fears on the subject, if expressed even 
to me only, would hardly be worthy of a thinking man. You 
must have written in a hurry, or you would have recollected 
that there is but one chief absent. My absence is by no means 
calculated to raise the cry in question. It is well known why 



l&( APPENDIX TO 

I am away. It is, moreover, known to all who have a right to 
know it, that my absence had become a necessity — that I should 
either come out here and do what, at the risk of my liie, I 
have been doing, or let the work of my life become a total 
wreck. I repeat: there was no alternative between my visit 
to America and utter ruin. And again, those who should know 
this, are aware of it. I fear nothing from the cry in question. 
Nor can the Clique — lay or clerical — make much of such a cry. 
Have faith in the People, friend, at home especially, they are 
not the base or stupid things this fear would make them. 
Provided I realize the objects I came out for, all will be well; 
and, hitherto, I have fully realized them. With regard to the 
emigration, it is appaling. Nor can it be stopped in any way 
but one. To prepare to take that one and only way soon as 
possible should be our constant labor. It has ever been my 
constant labor. If not the first man to see, I was certainly the 
first to teach Irishmen that, if we did not make ready and 
fight for our cause and race a few years would realize the 
ruin of both. The wretched men who opposed us so bitterly 
from the outset, are now beginning to dread what 1 dreaded 
years ago and have devoted my life to prevent. They make 
overtures to us now, when they can do us no harm. Be on 
your guard. To conciliate and gain the active co-operation of 
every good Irishman, should be our constant aim and labor. 
And, spite of what the thoughtless or dishonest may say, 
it has never ceased to be our aim and labor at home. But what 
about conciliating those who were only too eager for an op- 
portunity to strike us behind? What about the co-operation 
of folk who would willingly undo our work? This Mr. Finnerty 
about whom you write, may be what you say. Anyhow, he is 
deserving of no confidence from us. He joined; but, so far 
from working, he, like the friends around his native place 
(the perjured, Gill, etc.) has prevented work. Put no confi- 
dence whatever in him: or, if any, let it. be simply as a mem- 
ber. Be sure to give him no prominence. 

Yours ever faithfully and fraternally, 

J. D. 
Let P. O'Keeffe be ready to sail on my arrival in New York. 



X 

Louisville, Ky., Monday Evening (1864). 
John O'Mahony, Brother and Friend: It is not by any means 
an easy thing to move through these diggin's, just now. 
Around with a "special" and strong recommendations from 
Governor Morton, of Indiana, and with sundry letters of in- 
troduction to Majors, Generals and other officers in the Army 
of the Cumberland, I went to the Nashville station this morn- 
ing. Contrary to the assurances of my friends, however, a 
special pass from the authorities here was needed. So I lost 
the morning's train. There could be no difficulty whatever, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. i$g 

though, it was thought, in procuring this pass. Another error. 
It was with much difficulty that we succeeded in gaining ad- 
mission to the officer to look for what I wanted, and it took 
a deal of persuasion to- gain it. This rigor pleases me much — 
it looks like practical work and gives me a strong hope for 
speedier succor than we could have looked for even a short 
time since. The fighting is terrific. How our poor fellows 
must be falling! Is there any news from the Potomac — any- 
thing from those in whom we are so deeply interested! I 
don't like to dwell on the subject. 

The Cincinnati Circle is being filled up so rapidly that, if 
nothing very untoward happen, it will soon be one of your 
very strong points. On Wednesday evening last 83 of the 
members met me and subscribed 995 dollars. I got to Madison 
on Thursday evening, in time to meet the Circle there. It is 
a very small one, only 26, of whom I met 15. They subscribed 
97 dollars. Col. Mullen, however, is of opinion the Circle will 
furnish 500 dollars before I leave. He subscribed 25 dollars 
himself, and, from all 1 know, it is a very fair sum. The Cin- 
cinnati men will, I think, make up from two to three thousand 
dollars. Reached this place on Saturday morning, at 1 A. M. 
This Circle will, also, be a strong one, and soon — they count on 
1,000 members before the "Fall." They have a fine body of 
men as it is, some of them wealthy and many well-to-do and 
intelligent. Fifty of these met me on Saturday evening and 
subscribed 480 dollars. This, however, is one of the places in 
which the total subscription is certain to exceed far the initial 
one. By the way, the officers here are excellent. There are 
two things needed, though, to make the work all it can and 
should be. First, the State Centre should appoint a subordi- 
nate Centre for this city; at present, he is both local and State 
Centre. And, secondly, there should be weekly meetings; up to 
this, they have met but fortnightly. The place is too im- 
portant not to be looked to and an occasional letter from you 
would effect much good. 

Should I find room, I leave for Nashville to-morrow morning. 
I understand the Nashville Circle is a splendid one, and the 
friends here expect great things from it. 

I have heard, to-day, that Mr. James McDermott has an- 
nounced his intention to go on a lecturing tour. This move 
is so highly injudicious, so calculated to do injury, now espe- 
cially, that I cannot believe it has your sanction. Whatever, 
Mr. McD.'s zeal and activity — he has not the weight and steadi- 
ness — the ability and other essential qualifications to repre- 
sent us creditably. Not having these, he injured us in his : 
former efforts in this way, and would injure us seriously now. 
As to going "on his own hook," it would be still worse — it 
would be making a trade of his connection with us, as, with- 
out us, he could not have even entertained the notion at all. 
It would be disreputable for an able and accomplished man to 
go trading about in this way. How much more so for one who 
could give no value whatever — in thought or words — for the 



i8o APPENDIX TO 

money received. You are certainly bound to look to this and 
give Mr. McD. to understand that you are quite opposed to 
it. Should he not be got to apply himself steadily to some 
calling for which he is fitted? It is deplorable to see men led 
astray in this way. 

Is there any news from Ireland I am anxious to hear any 
you may have received. But where are you to address me? 
If I get to Nashville and can move to Chattanooga, I shall, 
of course, go there, thence, if possible, to Memphis; thence to 
Cairo. Beyond this last point I cannot lay down my route for 
the present, but I may go again to Chicago. 
Yours fraternally, 

J. DAL.Y. 



■ XI 

This is a copy of a letter of instructions given by John 
O'Mahony, Head Centre Fenian Brotherhood, to Captain 
Thomas J. Kelly, who was about to visit Dublin going by way 
of Liverpool. The original is in the handwriting of O'Mahony 
on the official paper of the Fenian Brotherhood. 



HEADQUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, 
22 Duane Street, 

New York City, March 17, 1865. 
(Box 3821, P. O.) 
To Captain T. J. Kelly. 

Brother: In accordance with the resolution of the C. C. F. B., 
of which you are herewith furnished with a copy, you will 
proceed at once to Liverpool and thence without any delay to 
Dublin. 

When arrived in the latter city you will report immediately 
to the C. E. I. R. B. and, having delivered to him the docu- 
ments which I have entrusted to your charge, you will place 
yourself completely under his orders for the period of three 
months, to commence from the date of your landing in Dublin, 
and you will perform faithfully such duties as he may assign 
you. At the end of three months, you will, as the resolution 
of the C. C. F. B. points out, render a full report in writing 
of the state of the I. R. B., specifying in the said report its 
constitution, mode of government, the manner of persons 
whereof said government is composed, its military strength, 
its financial resources and expenditure, and its general avail- 
ability for successful action within the present year, taking in 
account the means at the actual disposal of its Executive aided 
by such assistance as can be furnished it from America within 
that time according to your own experience of both organ- 
izations up to the time of making your said report, and using 
your own military knowledge as your sole guide in forming 
your opinion. 

In making the said report you will state nothing but what 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 187 

you shall yourself have acquired an actual knowledge of. You 
will set down no fact from hearsay or upon reports furnished 
you by others, judging in all cases from such surroundings as 
you shall be brought in contact with while performing your 
duties under the C. E. 

If in your unbiased judgment there should be no probability 
of successful action this year (1865) you will in that case return 
to these Head Quarters after the expiration of the three months 
aforesaid and present your report in person to the H. C. & C. C 

If, on the other hand, you find matters to be by that time 
in such a state of forwardness as to render a successful rising 
probable, or even possible without a foreign war, during the 
present year, you will continue under the orders of the C. E. 
and transmit your report by a special and trusty messenger. 
This report you shall draw up yourself without the aid or 
council of any person whatever, and without submitting it to 
the approval of any parties living in Ireland. 

While in Ireland you will not attempt to influence in any 
way the free action of the C. E. or the P. G., neither shall yon 
argue points with them, but shall execute literally and without 
demur such orders as you shall receive. 

While upon this service, and until further orders, you shall 
receive the pay of Captain in the United States Army, which 
shall be paid to you by the C. E. I. R. B. 

You will impress thoroughly upon your mind the vast im- 
portance of these duties which have been now entrusted to you 
by the H. C. & C. C. of the F. B. Upon their due and exact 
performance depends in a very great measure the future wel- 
fare of both the F. B. and the I. R. B. Yours is by far the 
most serious mission ever yet sent from America to Ireland. 

May the God of our sires watch over your safety and render 
you equal to your high trust. I remain in Fraternity, 
Your faithful servant, 

(Signed) JOHN O'MAHONY, 

H. C. b\ B. 

This document is endorsed as follows: 

"No. 1 — Instructions to Capt. Kelly, Military Envoy to 
Ireland. Left New York 25th March 1865." 



1 88 APPENDIX TO 



XII 



This is a letter of introduction carried by Captain Thomas Kelly 
from John O'Mahony, Head Centre, Fenian Brotherhood, New 
York, to James Stephens, Chief Executive, Irish Republican 
Brotherhood, Dublin. There is a noticeable lack of warmth and 
cordiality in the communication. 



H. C. F. B. to the C. E. I. R. B. 

17th March, '65. 
To the C. E. I. R. B. (Dublin): 

Brother— The bearer (Captain Kelly), whom you already 
know, is the first of a series of messengers voted to be sent 
to Ireland and placed under your orders by the late Congress 
of the F. B. He is, moreover, furnished with a special order 
from the C. E., of the nature of which the accompanying reso- 
lution will acquaint you fully. He will also show you his 
special orders from these headquarters. 

I need not impress upon you the sound policy — nay, the abso- 
lute necessity — of enabling him to fulfill the mission to the 
satisfaction of the C. C. and myself, even should things be far 
beyond my expectations even then it is best to send him back 
at the time specified in his instructions. Thus you will make 
assurance doubly sure, and thus will you the more readily 
procure that which you most require for your purpose. Mat- 
ters here arc not now as they were when you and I were as 
one. An element has been brought into our councils, though 
by no agency of mine, that must be perfectly satisfied on the 
points in question. Satisfy the C. C. fully and your wishes 
shall be promptly attended to, otherwise they will not. This 
is all-important. I would also impress upon you the necessity 
of sending a prompt and favorable reply to the address for- 
warded to you by the C. C. Its anxiety will soon be looking 
out for it. If you do not specially want Regan it is best to 
send him out with it. It will be of service to have him bring 
good news to his comrades in this city. I understood the im- 
policy of the late publications all through. But by your con- 
trivance, it would seem my opinion had got to be in light 
esteem by your special friends and I thought it of too much 
worth to be thrown away. On the whole, however, it may do 
good all over, but has it not made your position doubly dan- 
gerous, so much for rushing things? 

You will be glad, perhaps, to learn that I have at last got 
a C. C. that is perfectly free from any special favoritism 
towards me. There is, in fact, but one upon it (Wm. Sullivan) 
from whom I could expect any personal regard, except on the 
grounds of our one common purpose in political matters. This 
is what I like, as I find them to be nearly all earnest, practical 
men in the cause. The official staff selected by the body has, 
al6o, been chosen independently of any initiative of mine. I 
had not much previous knowledge of any of them except Capt. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 189 

Walsh. I simply approved of them on the recommendation of 
the members and Chairman of the C. C. Mr. Finerty, to whom 
alone I objected on the grounds of his being distrustful to you, 
was proposed and strongly supported by your friends, Messrs. 
Scanlon and Dunn. I do not think him a bad man myself. My 
reason for having been so passive in matters of such vital 
importance was the fact that distrust of my capacity and in- 
tellect had been sown in our ranks, for I think Sherlock was 
true upon this point. 

Under our revised constitution you will see that all official 
communication from you to the F. B. must come through the 
H. C. in future. I must insist upon this respect being paid 
to the office wherewith I am invested by my constituents. If 
not I shall hold myself at liberty to communicate directly with 
your constituents upon the matters concerning the I. R. B. 
You will be very sorry to learn that our friend Mr. McCarthy 
is very ill. His loss would be severely felt now. I trust, how- 
ever, the coming of fine weather will restore him to health. 

Fraternally, your obed. servt., 

THF H C F B 

H. C. F. B. to C. E. I. R. B., 17th March, '65 



XIII 

The original of the following letter is in the handwriting 
of General Millen and contains an account of his arrival in 
Dublin and the persons whom he had met. He refers to the 
leaders by numbers, consequently, it is not easy to identify 
them. No. 9 is believed to be Col. Thomas Kelly. His sug- 
gestion that several of the Dublin editors couTd be subsidized 
for £100 is rather amusing and indicates that he considered 
them a cheap lot. In that he was probably mistaken, although 
his idea may have been a good one. The letter is signed 
"George Robinson," which is known to have been his nom de 
plume, or rather nom de guerre. 



Doc. "C. 1." 
Dublin, April 12, '65. 

Dear Brother: In consequence of sickness aboard the steamer 
in which I sailed, was not permitted to anchor at Queenstown, 
so I was carried to Liverpool and did not reach this place until 
the 2d inst. 

The same day of my arrival I waited upon the gentleman in 
Dame street, and was that evening presented to both of the 
other parties, to either of whom you told me to deliver the 
two small oackages of samples numbered 1 & 2, which I im- 
mediately did. They told me that 9 was in England. Four 
days afterwards they sent a messenger to advise him of my 
presence and to-day, by return, he informs us that business of 
an important nature will detain him where he is until about 
the 22d inst. 



igo APPENDIX TO 

As I have not yet seen 9 and also as the other four num- 
bers of the firm with whom your letters brought me in con- 
tact have not volunteered me any information regarding the 
actual state of business affairs here, I can as yet say but little 
about it; if, however, I might venture an opinion after so 
short a stay, I would at least say that the people are all so 
unanimous (that is all whom I have sounded upon the mat- 
ter) in their hatred of the . . that I should think it an easy 
enough matter to get up a respectable linen trade. 

There is one thing which from this time I beg leave to urge 
upon the members of our firm in New York, that is, that it 
we wish to silence the ..s who always endeavor to keep our 
customers disunited, we must advertise for goods in more than 
one newspaper; we must make the press of this country sub- 
servient to the wants of our business; we must purchase the 
good will of a few Editors, so that thro' them we can place 
before the Irish public the nature and advantages of our busi- 
ness. Without withdrawing our patronage from D. (which of 
course the world knows is entirely ours) we ought to spend 
judiciously a few hundred pounds in order to procure the 
good opinion of some of the leading journals, as well in the 
large cities as in some of the cheap towns. The fact of such 
papers being out in favor of our house would do more to get 
us friends from all classes — I think — and to silence the slander- 
ous tongue of the ..s or to nullify its effects than anything 
else that I can think of. I seriously recommend the foregoing 
suggestion to the consideration of our house in N. Y. so that 
if they think favorably of it, they might mention it to 9 when 
they write. 

As you well know the great want of 5, 6, & 7, etc., experienced 
here just now, I feel that I need not mention to you the neces- 
sity of sending over what you can in small packages for the 
purpose of distribution amongst our customers here. 

The Prince of Wales is in Dublin — he came over to open the 
Exhibition. I have seen him pass four times; thrice in the 
street, and yesterday at a grand military review in the Phoenix 
Park. In the street there was hardly a person to even lift a 
hat to him, and passing my hotel door once, and again yester- 
day in the park, I actually heard some one or more in the 
crowd hiss him. Besides, some wretches had the impudence 
to salute his Highness from across the Liffy with a fish-mon- 
ger's large tin trumpet. The poor fellow thought they meant 
to honor him, but I didn't think so at all. What a thankless 
people these Irish are; did you ever know such ingratitude as 
they have manifested in the cold reception given to His Royal 
Highness? Of course when I say Irish I mean the mere people 
of the country and do not include our true English Place-men, 
who would have licked the dust before the feet of the Royal 
Prince. 

As soon as I shall have seen 9, I will write to you again 
and then perhaps I shall be better enabled to form a correct 
idea of the condition of our affairs here. In the meantime, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. i 9 i 

you may rest assured that I shall lose no opportunities of col- 
lecting all reliable data in order to enable me to remit to 
our house in N. Y. as true a three-monthly balance sheet as 
can at all be formed. 

9 writes to C. C. here that within the last month 5ft new C's 
have been entered upon the books of our concern. 
I am Brother, 

Yours very sincerely, 

GEORGE ROBINSON. 
P. S. — If you should find occasion to write, please address 
to the Star & Garter here. G. R. 

Note. — General Millen used the assumed name "George Kob- 
inaon." 



XIV 

This letter from Col. Thomas J. Kelly to John O'Mahony 
contains an account of his arrival in Ireland 

It is a good example of the exceedingly guarded manner in 
which important information was conveyed from one side of 
the water to the other. Occasionally, when matters of great 
importance had to be communicated, special messengers were 
sent to carry the papers and deliver them personally into the 
hands of the parties to whom they were addressed. 

The letter is signed "T. J. French," which was one of several 
assumed names used by him at various times. 



Cork, May 1, 1865. 
John O'Mahony, H. C. F. B.: 

My Dear Sir: — You will be pleased to know I arrived safely 
in old Ireland on April 6 in good health, the trip across having 
done me much good. My uncle was out of town, but I saw him 
next day and gave him the mementoes you forwarded by me. 
Previous to looking for active employment I spent four days 
home — one with mother, one with uncles and two with a sister. 
The state of my health, however, requiring active medical aid, 
I was obliged to tear myself away amid some most heart-break- 
ing scenes. Returning to Dublin I made the acquaintance of a 
large number of friends, of all ranks, and on the advice of my 
doctor I then came to this latitude where I find the climate to 
be exceedingly healthy. My expectations here and in Dublin 
were amply realized. Among the workmen at my business, and 
I have been high and low, the determination seems to be unani- 
mous that there must be a strike for wages here this year. 
Indeed, from what I have seen I think the union will become 
defunct if it does not take place, because fully one-half the 
best workmen I have met express a determination to emigrate 
if they have to live on present rates beyond next harvest. Men 
fitted to direct movements, as you are accustomed to have them 
done in America, are sadly needed, although much is being 
done by men versed in the English style of polishing; yet they 



i 9 2 APPENDIX TO 

are necessarily circumscribed in their operations by reason of 
the increasing vigilance of their employers. A good number 
of our mechanics, as far as I have seen them, are competent 
and skilled to undertake any kind of contract, if the plans 
were drawn and they only had the tools and foremen, and the 
remainder of those I have seen, if the proportion in other parts 
of the country is nearly commensurate, need but competent 
instructors and fitting machinery to convince the world that 
Irish manufactures are superior to those of England. The 
whole country appears to be of one mind on this point, with 
but few exceptions, the opposition and persecution of the Cul- 
len police to the contrary notwithstanding. So intolerable in- 
deed has this opposition become that the feeling of indigna- 
tion it has aroused is frequently found to be the greatest stim- 
ulus to action. One fact has become plain to me, viz., that we 
have no one competent to hold a corresponding relation to our 
trade as, say, Grant holds to the American army. We have 
men well fitted to do anything in the way of organizing trades' 
unions, and who have really done and are doing all in that 
way that was and is possible; but the example of the lookout 
in the iron trade in England has convinced me that the em- 
ployees should have at least one man competent to plan sim- 
ultaneous action for the men in all districts. Besides the 
means of support of ;he strikers should be calculated and not 
left to chance, and this must be done by a person accustomed 
to organize committees and arrange plans for that purpose. 

The gentleman who will give you this letter was formerly 
connected with the Seventy-fifth Regiment, N. Y. M., in the 
same company with myself, under poor Doheny. He joined 
the union here to-day, and I think would have remained at 
home and gone to work, but that his passage is engaged. Hav- 
ing been a captain in the army he could be of great assistance. 
As he is about to leave for the train I must close. Respects 
to Mac, O'K. and the boys, Yours, 

(Signed) T. J. FRENCH. 



XV 

Letter in handwriting of Capt. Kelly, addressed on envelope 
to H. C. F. B., and sent by messenger. It is signed "Your 
sincere friend, Tom." 



Dublin, May 31, 1865. 

My Dear Sir: — I avail myself of the departure of a gentle 
man from Ballinasloe to communicate a few items. 

I have been enjoying good health for some time past, and 
have been gaining in flesh, so that now I have attained my 
standard weight. 

I had the pleasure of counselling with the friends the other 
evening, and the state of trade was represented to be in such a 
condition 1 hat all the available funds of the firm were deemed 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 193 

to be essential immediately, and that it would be too late for 
your house to invest after I had made full reports in July. Of 
course, I insisted on complying with the directions your firm 
gave me to the fullest extent, although I am forced to the 
conclusion that from the immense emigration taking place we 
will lose our best customers and workmen if we do not open 
the factory this fall. I know that the union must go to pieces 
after this year if work is not supplied to the hands. I talk 
frequently with all my hands and I find that large numbers 
are remaining with the promise of employment. I do not see 
the wisdom of having made this promise, without being cer- 
tain that the resources are ample. Yet the promise is made, 
and I am certain, judging comparatively from what I have 
seen, can be realized if the machinery can be furnished. Skilled 
mechanics are indispensable, more especially draughtsmen and 
designers. Thirty or forty first-class men can do the work. 

Mr. M. is here and at work. I believe he has got a job in 
the city. When it was made known that he, too, had a three 
months' job and that nothing would be determined on until 
after that time it had a very depressing effect, inasmuch as 
work is meant, and subsequent operations would run too far 
into the year. Yet it may be all for the best. 

You have, I suppose, seen the announcement of the Palmers- 
town flax-cotton mills being put in operation. I do not see 
why we, too, cannot make a footing if the necessary capital 
can be raised. 

I proceed to Limerick in a day or two, and will avail myself 
of the first opportunity to write to you. Please let John and 
H. O'C. see this. 

My friend is not in the secret and will be treated accord- 
ingly. I remain as ever, your sincere friend, TOM. 

Please give my respects to the young man in the Times 
office; any letters for me addressed "M. S. Kelly, Main street, 
Lcnghrea, Ireland," will come to hand safely. 



XVI 

This important letter in the handwriting of James Stephens, 
consisting of ten closely written 8vo. pages, is unfortunately 
incomplete. All after page 10 is missing. In it he refers to 
P J. Meehan and describes the condition of the organization 
in Dublin after the seizure of the "Irish People" and the arrest 
of its editors and staff. The envelope is marked "Dispatches 
from the C. E. and Captain Kelly, per Lt. Corridon," and en- 
dorsed "Received Nov. 29th, '65." 



I. R. 

To the H. C. & C. C. F. B. 

Dublin, Oct. 14th, 1865. 
Brothers: The day after the memorable razzia— on this very 
day four weeks— I wrote you a hurried account of what had 



194 APPENDIX TO 

taken place, and committed my letter to the tender mercies 
of the British Post Office. It is reported that that letter was 
intercepted. But I don't believe this. Because the authorities 
here are stupid and blundering as they are brutal and men- 
dacious, and because my letter was posted at such an hour 
that, unless they opened all letters addressed to America, it is 
very unlikely they should have hit on mine. But there is such 
a thing as chance; and on this occasion, as so often before, 
chance may have favored our stolid foe. A week afterwards 
I again wrote to you, and this time my letter was entrusted 
to a man esteemed by all true Irishmen who know him — Cap- 
tain Murphy. The Captain has, before this, explained to you 
how he was detained here four or five days longer than we 
anticipated. I am confident that he has also explained much 
more important matters and fully made good the shortcomings 
in my letter. At the same time, I should say that I consider 
my own letter rather explicit and comprehensive, and that you 
should rely on its having given you an exact account of our 
actual position. This I feel so thoroughly that, even if you 
never received another line from me before the move, I should 
consider you "posted" in all great essentials. I certainly feel 
bound to point out to you the best part of the coast to steer 
to, and I make it a point of duty to send over some experienced 
pilots, soon as I have the means of doing so. But, even if pre- 
vented from doing these and other more or less important 
things, my last letter should have shown you how to act, 
whatever might have happened to me. This, as it has been 
my most constant aim. would also be my greatest glory — to 
make the cause altogether independent of myself. And this, I 
now triumphantly assert, has been accomplished, provided only 
that you are equal to the duty of the time. 

And yet a great — an awful — duty has devolved on you, owing 
to your doubts and action, and the consequent action of the 
British Government. For the public prints (and you have not 
received, and shall not receive, a word of news, through any 
public source, that is not hostile to us, the most vilely hostile 
of all being the quasi national rags), must have made it clear 
to you — clear beyond any possible doubt — that the action of 
the Government here has been solely owing to that damnable 
blunder of one of your delegates. I do not wish to be hard on 
Mr. Meehan, and God forbid that I should be unjust to him. 
But the feeling here is fearful against him, and, whatever his 
innocence, he deserves little at our hands. But I leave you 
to form your own judgment of his conduct from the public 
prints. It is my duty, however, to add that, even since the 
arrests — nay, since the trials, and since his name has publicly 
appeared as one of your delegates — he has written a letter to 
one of the men in prison. This letter was very loosely 
written, called on the man written to to call on Mr. A. M. Sul- 
livan (Goula!), and was signed P. J. Meehan! The letter was 
opened in the postoffice, and then delivered to the prisoner's 
wife. Even I think it strange that Mr. Meehan should still 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 195 

be in Ireland and free. I trust he may be able to account to 
you for himself. This said, 1 return to the essential of all 
essential points now— your being equal to the awful but glor- 
ious duty of the time. To be so — to save your names and souls 
from actual shame and remorse — you should every hour do the 
work of a day. Hours are now precious and mighty for good 
or evil. Any apparent apathy or inability on your part at 
present would madden men here, and even I might not be 
nble to control all parts. Yet the madness of one district 
would compromise all. But if you give a fair appearance of 
work, I answer for everything. I answer for it, even though 
I should be in prison, cut of which I have kept by a foresight 
and prudence lauded by all who know the circumstances. Don't 
be deceived by the apparent calmness of the friends here. It 
would be base to be deceived by the lying reports of our being 
cowed. Cowed! There never has been so true and strong a 
resolution to go on as now. The calmness that deceives our 
enemies — does it deceive them? — is the result of a discipline 
never before equalled by men not trained in open war. But 
for me — but for my express orders — Dublin City would have 
been captured the night of the "seizure." Some of the best 
men here were with me before I lay down that night and 
wanted orders from me. (The best men here don't come to 
suggest, still less to offer counsel — they come to me for orders.) 
I ordered them to disperse our friends and send them all home. 
In fifteen minutes after these orders were issued scarcely a 
friend of ours could be found in the streets of Dublin. And 
throughout the whole country the same admirable sense of 
discipline was, and has ever since been manifested. Outsiders 
cannot see this, and so it is said that we are nowhere. But that 
we were, and continue to be, everywhere, and with a power 
that, if known, would add to the ludicrous terror of the enemy, 
is clear from the conduct of our friends. From all parts men 
come to Dublin to hear from me what should be done. This 
enabled me to accomplish a great deal with small means. For 
these emissaries generally came at their own expense. And 
this brings me to our financial position. At the time of the 
first arrests I had scarcely any money. Your first large order 
(for £1,000) had been but a couple of days in hand. O'L. had 
drawn £300 of this amount. He could not well have drawn 
more, for, as you are aware, the bill was payable only three 
days after sight, and, as Rothschild has no agent here, it takes 
about five days to get one of his bills cashed in full. As 
there were heavy claims on me at the time, nearly all the £300 
had been disbursed at the time of the arrests. So that I found 
myself compelled to borrow money again, and at such a time! 
Yet I have succeeded in raising enough to keep us afloat up to 
this, and even longer at need. But I sincerely trust you will 
come to the rescue soon. The remaining £700 (of that £1,000 
bill), together with all the drafts since forwarded, have, with 
one exception (the last draft, for £1,500) fallen into the hands 
of the Government. Even the £1,500 draft is useless to us, 



ig6 APPENDIX TO 

the man in whose favor it was drawn being now a prisoner. 
But the fact of your having sent so much money (comparatively 
speaking), in so short a time, has done good; for it has not 
only shown your earnestness, but your ability also. Few true 
men now have any doubt that you shall fulfill your promises 
and realize our just expectations to the letter. This said, I 
must return to these intercepted drafts. They have not been 
forwarded according to my directions. I told our late lamented 
friend — McCarthy — to have all sums under £1,000 sent alter- 
nately to O'L. and his sister. All sums over £1,000 were to 
have been sent to my credit to Paris. In the hurry of business 
and the state of health into which he fell but too soon after my 
departure, he may have forgotten these instructions. Possibly 
none of you ever heard of them. ********* 



XVII 

This letter was written by O'Donovan Rossa in 1865 to John 
O'Mahony in New York and was carried over by Thomas 
Clarke Luby, who was called "Doctor" because of his degree 
of LL. D. 



"R." 2. 

My Dear Friend: As the Doctor is going voyaging, I avail of 
him to send you the following narrative. 

On last Tuesday week a friend told me that a soldier friend 
of his was in difficulties. I went to see him. His name is 
Montague, and he belonged to the 5th Dragoons. A comrade 
of his was under arrest for some days. He was in his stables 
when a friend of his, an orderly, came to him saying: "You are 
to be arrested at 11 o'clock. You have only 5 minutes to spare 
and if you value your liberty and your life you will make the 
best use of the time." 

Off he went. I met a friend in town just about two hours 
after this occurrence. He is connected with shipping and 1 
entrusted the secret to him. He promised to do all he could, 
and a letter yesterday told me the soldier was in safe keeping 
and awaiting a favorable opportunity to go towards your 
country. Detectives innumerable have been scenting him here, 
but of course there are detectives on another side too. If this 
soldier reaches you, he will, in telling you what he knows, tell 
you something that may astonish you. And if there are 
amongst you anv who doubt the dangerous work which we are 
persistently pushing, it may be well they should see Montague 
and hear his storv. 

I was in Connai'ght last month with another friend; we 
returned; the friend went again, and to-day I received a letter 
from him stating that he had to run from Ballymote and Bally- 
shannon as he was only two minutes out of the Hotel wh^n 
an Inspector of Police with an escort came looking for him. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. u> 7 

This. I believe, is partly the work of a Bishop in Sligo, who 
the Sunday after we were there spoke of us. There is not a 
county in Ireland that is not now vigorously working with a 
view to immediate work and we only require means from your 
side to accomplish the work. Many of our people are emigrat- 
ing — obliged to leave, they say. I have given a few intro- 
ductions against my will, to a few. My own opinion is, that 
the preparation cannot be given by you in the expected time, 
if you are not satisfied that the material is here and is being 
provided here. 

I see a growing disaffection in the minds of men, and a 
determination to skidaddle shortly if there is not some ap- 
pearance of Fight. I oan hear them — speak among themselves, 
and here is the substance of their resoive. We are holding to- 
gether at much personal and other sacrifice on the expecta- 
tion of a fight this year, and on the promise of it. There are 
now but three or four months' time, there are no arms from 
America or means to buy them up to this. If instead of send- 
ing us the means to fight, they only send men to inquire into 
our condition, and report thereon the thing will never be 
done. This is no time for delays of such a nature, etc., etc. 
This is what is said, and I cannot help seeing matters in 
this light myself. I am almost certain the Government will 
shortly take alarm. I ain sure of arrest myself with many 
others, and it is a terrible thing to have the country unarmed. 
This is private for yourself. If there isn't a fight this year, 
you will be held largely responsible and I fear inesti- 
mable harm will be done. My uncle is out through England 
and Scotland for the last month. He directed I would be sent 
for to go to see you, and I learn now that he has changed his 
mind. I should like to see you, as a private friend anyway, 
and for public reasons, with a view to hurry war. Remember 
me to H. O'P., Parrick, Denis, etc., etc. Yours, 

ROSSA. 

P. S. — Do you know what I think myself, it is this, there 
are parties here who write to parties amongst you saying 
There is little or nothing done here. This is the excuse for the 
cowardice here. Doubts are created in the mind of the party 
over there, those doubts are taken into your councils, and 
hence the inquiries and delay. I do not fear offending or 
hurting you when I give you my mind candidly. I thought 
to write about the soldier only, but you see how far I have 
gone. I suppose I'll be off again somewhere next week when 
my Uncle returns. 



198 APPENDIX TO 

XVIII 
(Printed Circular.) 

War Department, F. B., 
New York, October 27, 1865. 
Special Orders, No. 1. 
Charles Carroll Tevis is hereby appointed Adjutant General 
of the Fenian Brotherhood, with the rank of brigadier general. 
All communications on military matters will be addressed 
to these Headquarters. 

(Signed) T. W. SWEENY, 

Sec. of War, F. B. 
Approved. 

JOHN O'MAHONY, 

President, F. B. 



XIX 

MILITARY ORGANIZATION OF THE FENIAN BROTHER- 
HOOD. 

Section 1st. — The President shall appoint, by and with the 
advice and consent of the Senate, a Board of Military Examina- 
tion, consisting of three persons, whose duty it shall be to 
examine all candidates to commissions in the Army of the Irish 
Republic. 

Sec. 2nd. — Said Board will class all successful candidates In 
the order of their respective merits and qualifications, as 
developed in their examinations, without reference to their 
past rank. 

Sec. 3rd. — All officers who may havs passed a satisfactory 
examination before the Military Board will be appointed by the 
President, by and with the consent and advice of the Senate, 
said officers to be ordered upon duty at such time as the 
President shall determine and the exigencies of the public 
service demand. 

Sec. 4th. — The President, by and with the advice and consent 
of the Senate, shall appoint one experienced military man in 
such State to act as Assistant Inspector General, whose duty 
it will be to superintend the military organization of the State, 
to inquire into and examine the applications of all candidates 
from his State for permission to appear before the Examining 
Board, and if satisfied as to their eligibility, he shall forward 
their applications to the Military Board, accompanied by such 
endorsement as he shall deem fit to make; Provided, that 
all persons whose applications may be refused by the Assistant 
Inspector General, may have the right to present their appli- 
cation in person to the Military Board for action. 

Sec. 5th. — The Assistant Inspector General shall receive no 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. too 

compensation for his services, but all necessary expenses in- 
curred in the line of his duty shall be audited by the Military 
Board, and paid from such funds as may be appropriated for 
contingent military expenses or from such funds in the 
Treasury not otherwise appropriated. 

Sec. 6th. — That all the members of the Military Board pro- 
vided for in this Constitution shall receive such compensation 
and hold such rank as the Senate may determine. 

Sec. 7th.— That the Portfolio of War establish subordinate 
bureaus consisting of 

Adjutant Generals, Ordnance, 

Inspectors Generals, Engineers, 

Quartermaster, Medical and 

Subsistence, Pay Department. 

That the rank and pay of all officers in the military service 
of the F. B. of America, be based upon the system adopted 
for the Regulations of the U. S. A., and shall be determined 
by the Senate. 

Sec. 8th. — The Revised Army Regulations of the U. S., so far 
as the same can be made applicable, is hereby adopted for the 
government of the military organization of the P. B. in 
America. 

Sec. 9th. — All officers ordered for duty in Ireland or else- 
where shall be provided with transportation and receive, in 
addition, six months' pay, three months of which shall be 
in U. S. currency, and three months in bonds of the Irish 
Republic, in advance, according to rank; the officers to be paid 
as regularly, as the nature of the service will permit, monthly 
thereafter by the financial agent abroad. Nothing in this 
section shall prevent the Senate, upon recommendation of 
the Military Board, from increasing the allowance to meet the 
nature and exigencies of the service to be rendered. 

Signed October 21st, 1865. 

JOHN O'MAHONY, Pres. Special Congress of F. B. 

PETER A. SINNOT, Sec. 



XX 

The following is the oath of allegiance subscribed to by 
the Fenians in America before the invasion of Canada: 

OATH OF ALLEGIANCE, FENIAN BROTHERHOOD. 

I, M M do solemnly swear that I will 

bear true allegiance to the cause of Ireland, and that I will 
serve it honestly and faithfully against all its enemies, and 
that I will obey all orders of the President, Secretary of War, 
or officers appointed over me according to the rules and regu- 
lations established for the government of the armies for the 
liberation of Ireland, SO HELP ME GOD. 



200 APPENDIX TO 

XXI 

War Department, F. B.,' 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, November 7, 1865. 
General Orders, No. 1. 

I. In compliance with Special Orders, No. 1, War Depart- 
ment, F. B.. the undersigned hereby assumes the direction of 
the Adjutant General's Office of the Fenian Brotherhood. 

II. All military officers belonging to the organization will 
report immediately their addresses in writing to these Head- 
quarters, giving a full history of their past services, stating 
the period of time served, in what arm of the service, in what 
corps, division, brigade and regiment or battery; if on the staff 
and in what capacity; the battles engaged in; if on detached 
service and in what capacity; what military books studied; 
if wounded, state how far incapacitated for active service. 
State age, birthplace, by whom initiated, when and where; 
transmit copies of all papers relative to efficiency in any branch 
of the service. 

III. Every report must be forwarded through the Assistant 
Inspector General of each State, or in his absence, through 
the Head Centre, and indorsed by one of these officers. 

IV. Any change of address will be immediately notified to 
these Headquarters; a non-compliance with this order will 
be considered as an evidence of insubordination and of an 
unwillingness to render service to the cause of Ireland. Any 
unavoidable delays will be explained as soon as practicable. 

V. Tri-monthly reports will be furnished to these Headquar- 
ters by each Centre on the tenth (10th), twentieth (20th), and 
last day of every month, stating the number of men prepared 
to go into the field at a week's notice; their efficiency as 
soldiers, their arms and ammunition and equipments in their 
possession, or at the disposal of the Circles. 

VI. Centres will make such necessary remarks as will enable 
the War Department to distinguish the most reliable men. 

By order of the Sec. of War, F. B., 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and A. G., F. B., 

Box 3821, N. Y. P. O. 



XXII 

The following is in the well known handwriting of John 
O'Mahony, and is evidently the original draft of a letter of 
instructions sent or given to John Mitchel when about to pro- 
ceed to France to act as financial agent for the I. R. B. in that 
country. It is undoubtedly one of the most important papers in 
the collection. The manner in which Mitchel is to act under 
certain contingencies, the manner in which and the names of the 
persons to whom he is to distribute money, are clearly given, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. _>oi 

together with instructions covering his politcal attitude and diplo- 
matic relations toward the French government. 

O'Mahony's hope that the contemplated raid on Canada 
might involve England in war with the United States is freely 
expressed, and Mitchel's personal services are to be paid for at 
the rate of $2,500 per year. 

The letter consists of four quarto pages closely written and 
unsigned. There are several corrections and interlineations, 
and it is probable there was another page, which is missing. 



HEADQUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD, 

22 Duane Street, New York City. 
(Box 3821, P. O.) November 10, 1865. 

My Dear Mitchel: — As has been already explained to you, 
the immediate object of your mission to Paris is to take charge 
of the financial deposits of the Fenian Brotherhood and to see 
that they be honestly and fairly disbursed in favor of the 
I. R. B. 

It is the intention of the F. B. that all moneys which may 
be intrusted to you shall be paid out from time to time to the 
order of James Stephens in such sums as he may require for 
the purpose of conducting the home organization. However, 
a,3 in his present position it may be impossible for Mr. 
Stephens to give his receipts in his own handwriting for these 
sums, it will be sufficient for you to get such receipts from 
agents duly accredited by him. Should you not deem these 
sufficient safeguards against further contingencies, the pay- 
ments made by you to the agents of Mr. Stephens can be cer- 
tified to by J. P. Leonard or by George Doherty. Messrs. 
Leonard & Doherty already know one of those agents. Dr. Ed- 
mund O'Leary, who was to have taken to Ireland the last sum 
remitted home (£6,000 sterling). You will also find before 
you in Paris Dr. David Bell, lately one of the members of the 
Council of the I. R. B. His address is Hotel de Lesieux, No. 
2 Passage Tivoli. He will inform you of the address of other 
parties at home with whom you may enter into relations — 
Gen. G. F. Millen, Col. Wm. G. Halpin and Capt. Thos. Kelly, 
all of whom are now in Ireland. The chief point is to keep a 
constant and ample supply of money to the men working the 
revolutionary organization of Ireland. The betetr to insure 
this I shall, if possible, send with a tried and trusty man, who 
will open a certain mode of communication between you and 
them. 

You will also have to disburse money for the legal defense 
of the parties now in prison for revolutionary conspiracy In 
this case it will not be necessary for you to communicate with 
M". Stephens, but you can furnish whatever sums may be 
needed through their law agents or other parties publicly 
recognized as authorized to receive money on behalf of the 
prisoners. 



202 



APPENDIX TO 



Should Mr. Stephans be arrested by the time you reach Paris 
then advise with Col. Halpin, Capt. Kelly and Gen. Millen — 
James Cantwell can put you into communication with these if 
no other way presents itself. 

These are your duties for the present as financial represen- 
tative of the Fenian Brotherhood. Your diplomatic duties with 
the French or other European governments are left to your 
own judgment. You have in this respect a carte blanche. I 
know that you will let no opportunity be lost in advancing 
the interests of Ireland and injuring those of her tyrant. The 




JOHN MITCHEL. 



practicability of our invasion of Ireland from America must 
also claim your most anxious attention. Reliable informa- 
tion must be sought by you and conveyed to me of the amount 
of land and marine force of our enemies available for the de- 
fense of their domination in Ireland. 

The possibility of procuring any quantity of arms and mu- 
nitions of war in France previous or during our Irish insur- 
rection is a thing most useful to be well informed on. Leon- 
ard can find out parties who may be able to give you informa- 
tion on this subject. 



DENIEFFF/S RECOLLECTIONS. 203 

I think I have now set down all that is required with re- 
spect to your mission. Before concluding, however, I wish to 
repeat what I have often stated to you before, that I consider 
a revolutionary organization in Ireland to be absolutely es- 
sential to her liberation. It is the first grand requisite of 
success. Without it even an American or a French war might 
fail to free her. With a strong home organization even our 
contemplated raid upon Canada, followed up by the landing of 
a few thousand filibusters with arms, munitions, etc., might 
effect all that we desire. To keep up the home organization 
must then be our chiefest and greatest care. The supplies of 
money for that purpose should be ample and unfailing even 
though some of our remittances should run the risk of going 
astray. The Canadian raid I look upon as a mere diversion, 
as far as regards our present action. Unless it drag the U. S. 
into war with England it can only end in defeat to those that 
engage in it. But it is worth trying in the hope that it may 
lead to such a war. The money you now take with you shall 
be followed up closely by other and larger sums, all of which 
you will lodge to your own credit as soon as received in some 
Parisian bank to be drawn upon by you at the requisition of the 
C. E. I. R. 

Fcr your personal services you will receive the sum of $2,500 
in gold per annum, payable quarterly in advance from these 
headquarters. 



XXIII 

This letter contains a report of the arrest of James Stephens, 
C. E.. and gives a description of conditions as they existed in 
Dublin at that time, together with recommendations regarding 
what should be done in the near future. The letter is in the 
handwriting of General Wm. Halpin and is signed "Bird," one 
of the assumed names under which he corresponded witn 
O'Mahony. 



Dublin, 14th November, 1865. 
Col. John O'Mahony, H. C. F. B., New York: 

My Dear Sir: 1 have the honor to report what will doubtless 
seem to you and our friends a great calamity, namely, the 
arrest of the C. E. and three others of the Council. This was 
affected on Saturday morning at 5 A. M. It is needless to 
write as to the circumstances of those arrests, as the papers 
will convey to you all the information on that head. The 
arrest of the C. E. has no other effect on the organization than 
a temporary depression on the public mind. This, however, 
will be remedied at once through the instrumentality of agents 
sent out to allay all fears on that account. Soon after the ar- 
rests, the Military Council called a meeting of all the Dublin 
Centres, when a temporary C. E. was appointed. His letter, 



204 APPENDIX TO 

by the bearer, will acquaint you of all that has happened, (t 
is most important that frequent communication and a thoV- 
ough understanding be kept up between the C. C. and Head 
Quarters here. The crisis is upon us and prompt action is 
absolutely necessary. The men at the head of affairs through- 
cut the Country are strictly obedient, yet it is feared that 
j othing can keep the people down after this year. I would, 
therefore, beg that every effort be made to meet the con- 
tingency as soon as possible. Of course we will do all in our 
power to stay proceedings until you are ready to assist. I shall 
not enter further into details as the temporary C. E. will give 
you all the facts in the case. 

I may add that strong hopes are entertained that the C. E. 
will be at liberty before the end of the week, arrangements are 
being made to effect that purpose which I think, from the 
lights before me, cannot fail to be successful. I would most 
respectfully urge again that a Paymaster be appointed to pay 
the American officers at stated periods. Much trouble would 
be avoided and much dissatisfaction prevented by this course. 
A full list of all men sent over should be furnished by the 
Adjutant General, with the rank of each, the amount furnished 
at starting and the date of commencement. This is necessary, 
for the reason that several officers have not reported to Head 
Quarters, in consequence of the arrests being continually made, 
and the fact that parties are constantly applying for funds 
of whom nothing is known here. I believe that I stated in 
my last that I exhausted all my funds on parties who had run 
out. Kelly is in a similar fix for the reasons I stated before. 
I wish it to b.e distinctly understood that there is no dispiriting 
influence in consequence of the state of affairs here. All are 
buoyant and anxious for the word. Permit me to suggest that 
some General officers of ability should be sent over at once, 
particularly the Commander-in-Chief, so that he might become 
acquainted with the Country in time to manage the forces 
intelligently when the hour of action arrives. Perhaps you 
have the ideas of the C. E. on this head, yet I venture to make 
the suggestion on my own account, believing as I do, that such 
a course would be conducive to the better understanding of 
all parties on this side. 

I have seen several of the principal men from the country 
and they say that a landing from your side is confidently ex- 
pected. I am certain that a force, however small, would have 
a great effect on the country, give confidence to the people and 
encourage the troops at the start. All will depend on the first 
effort — that successful the sun of Independence will never set 
on our Island again. The spirit of the people is admirable. 
Hieir discipline and prompt obedience to all orders is, to my 
mind, the best evidence of success. There is no jealousy, no 
wrangling as in former days. Every man considers himself a 
soldier bound to obey as his first duty. 

The trials will commence on the 27th inst, and, no doubt, 
packed juries will be got by the Government to do the work. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 205 

Every effort should be made to be prepared for that event. 
The red cfcats are being worked to perfection but I had better 
not say much on that subject. Some of the speeches made on 
your side have given much offence and done much harm. Can 
they not be avoided in the future. All the American officers 
who have been arrested have preferred claims through the 
U. S. Consul at this Port. An outcry should be raised over 
there on that subject, indignation meeting held and the Gov- 
ernment urged to take the matter up. One such arrest of an 
English subject abroad, would be a Casus belli at once. Cap- 
tain Rodgers and Lieutenant McNeff were kept breaking stones 
without any trial. Rodgers has been discharged uncondition- 
ally. McNeff is yet in Limbo. Panning has just been re- 
leased on bail. 

Lt. Col. Leonard is also out unconditionally after spending 
20 days in solitary confinement in Ardee jail. Every effort 
should be made to induce the U. S. Government to assume the 
offensive in relation to these arrests. A nimple declaration of 
War by the U. S. against England would mal e Ireland free. 
John Bull is trembling lest such a state of affairs would re- 
sult from his perfidy. 

With my kindest regards to yourself and th3 members of the 
C. C, etc., etc., I am, my dear sir, 

Yours in fraternity, 

"JBIKD." 

Note.— "Bird" was the assumed name used by General Wm. 
G. Halpin. 



XXIV 
(Printed Circular.) 



War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, November 20, 1865. 

General Orders, No. 2. 

To avoid all misunderstanding, and to insure the immediate 
and energetic action which the necessities of the situation 
demand, the Secretary of War, F. B., issues the following 
instructions for the direction and government of the military 
organization of the Fenian Brotherhood: 

I. Each Centre of Circle will forward to this Department 
on the 10th, 20th and last day of every month a roll of fighting 
men ready at a week's notice to take the field for the cause of 
Ireland. 

II. In every Circle of the F. 3. drills will be at once com- 
menced, in the school of the soldier, of the company and — 
where possible — of the battalion. Volunteers will be divided 
i;:lo two classes, to be drilled separately — 1st, veterans; 2d, 



2o6 APPENDIX TO 

recruits, who will be incorporated with the veterans so soon as 
they shall have acquired sufficient proficiency in the school 
of the soldier. 

III. On the muster rolls will be noted the number of arms 
and accoutrements, with their calibre and description. Where 
arms are in the possession of volunteers, or are at the disposal 
of Circles, they will be credited to them and paid for by this 
Department in event of success. But it is expressly stated that 
muskets will be furnished by this Department in all case3 
where men are unable to procure their own. It is the wish 
of the Secretary of War that each and every patriot should 
share in the glory of the approaching struggle for freedom; 
his inability to procure an outfit must deter no one. 

IV. The Inspector General, F. B., will confer with the differ- 
ent State Centres in the selection of suitable officers for nom- 
ination to the appointment of State Assistant Inspectors Gen- 
eral; he will at once place them on duty and forward their 
names for confirmation to this Department. The Inspector 
General has no authority to give orders to State Centres, or 
Centres of Circles, but will simply advise and co-operate with 
them in matters pertaining to military duties. He may, how- 
ever, order and direct military organizations when formed, 
or while in course of formation, on all matters pertaining to 
their military duties. 

V. The duties of the State Assistant Inspector General will 
be: 1st. To superintend and promote, to the best of his ability, 
the immediate preparation of men for active service; he will 
select suitable officers, to whom, on his recommendation, au- 
thority will be given by the War Department to recruit regi- 
ments or companies, and who will be commissioned accord- 
ingly, subject to the rules and regulations of this Department. 
2d. He will report immediately to the Board of Military Ex- 
amination, through these Headquarters, the names of all 
officers who are applicants for commissions in the F. B., with 
such indorsements as an examination into their military his- 
tory, qualifications and recommendations will justify, stating 
at what time they will be prepared to appear before the 
Board for examination, and, if commissioned, be ready for 
active service. He will also report the names with indorse- 
ments, as above, of those who have not been commissioned 
in any former service, and who make application to come 
before the Board for examination, should he deem the appli- 
cant fit, on investigation. 3d. He will inspect the arms of 
each Circle or military organization in the State, and report 
their condition and calibre to this Department. 

VI. Courtesy and affability is especially enjoined on each 
and every officer of this Department in all his intercourse and 
dealings with the members of the Brotherhood. 

VII. Copies of this order will be given to each State Centre, 
and by him transmitted to the various Circles throughout his 
State. Each State Centre is requested by the Secretary of War, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 207 

F. B., to address all complaints against military officers of the 
Brotherhood directly to this Department Headquarters. 

Strict secrecy is enjoined in the promulgation of this order 
among the several Circles. 
By order of the Secretary of War, F. B., 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and A. G., F. B., 

Box 3821, N. Y. P. O. 



XXV 

War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, 24 November, 1865. 

Special Orders, No. 13. 

Col. P. F. Walsh, Inspector General, F. B., will proceed 
without delay on a tour of inspection throughout the Circles 
of the F. B. established in the different States. He will take 
for his guidance General Orders, No. 2, A. G. O., Nov. 20, 1865, 
in all matters relating to the military organization of the F. B., 
adding such instructions as the particular circumstances of 
each individual case may in his opinion demand. He will 
endeavor to impress upon all the well-wishers of the cause 
of Ireland the necessity for prompt and energetic action, and 
will pay close attention to the drill, particularly in the manual 
of arms. The simplest movements, comprising the formation 
of lines from columns and columns from lines, the loading and 
firing by company, by battalion and by file are all that will be 
required for our first battles. 

By order of the Secretary of War, F. B., 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 

Brig. Gen and Adj. Gen., F. B. 

Official, 

EUGENE J. COURTNEY, 

Major and A. A. Gen., F. B. 



XXVI 

This important and historic letter, appointing John O'Mahony 
Chief Agent and Representative of the Irish Republic in 
America, was written by James Stephens in 1865, after his 
escape from Richmond prison. 



IRISH REPUBLIC. 

To the Members of the Fenian Brotherhood, and the friends, 
of Ireland generally in the U. S. of America, Canada, etc. 

Dublin, December 23. 1865. 
Countrymen and Friends: Aware that certain members of the 
Fenian Brotherhood, and notoriously the "Senate" of that as- 



2o8 APPENDIX TO 

sociation, have, madly and traitoriously moved to a mad and 
traitorous end, raise the cry of "to Canada!" instead of the cry 
of "to Ireland!" and aware that John O'.Mahony. known as 
Head Centre and President of the Fenian Brotherhood, has 
wisely and firmly, as in duty bound, opposed this mad and 
traitorous diversion from the right path — the only path that 
could possibly save our country and our race. I in consequence 
hereby appoint the said John O'Mahony Representative and 
Financial Agent of the Irish Republic in the United States of 
America, Canada, etc., with ample and unquestionable au- 
thority to enroll men, raise money, and fit out an expedition 
to sail for Ireland and reach Ireland on the earliest possi- 
ble day, and in all other ways in which, to the best of his 
judgment, he can serve Ireland — that land to which he has 
devoted life and honor — I hereby authorize and call on him 

JAMES STEPHENS. 

C. E. I. R. 



XXVI I 
ESCAPE OF JAMES STEPHENS. 

The story of Stephens's escape might well have thrilled the 
Irish people at the time. To-day it reads like a romance. His 
escape from Richmond Prison was startling enough, but that 
for four months he should have lived in Ireland, to the knowl- 
edge of large numbers of the people, and with a heavy price 
upon his head, and that finally he should have got clear off, 
despite all the detective machinery of the British Government, 
is still mere wonderful. The dead walls of every Irish city and 
town were placarded with alluring offers; £2,000 was the price 
offered for the capture of Stephens. For private information 
leading to his arrest £1,000 might be had for the asking. But 
all in vain; and so in the early morning of March 14, 1866, 
James Stephens, accompanied by Colonel Thomas Kelly and 
John Flood, sailed from Dublin with Captain Nicholas Weldon 
on board a little collier, the Concord. 

Captain Weldon was a native of Baldoyle and a close friend 
from boyhood of John Flood, a leading Fenian, who arranged 
with him to cciv a -" Stenhens and Kelly to some port in France. 
The facts of that historic voyage are gleaned from an account 
which Captain Weldon himself gave some years ago. The Cap- 
tain says: 

"My narrative begins with the early days of March. 1866, 
when with John Flood, an old friend and townsman and as fine 
a specimen of Irish manhood as need be seen, and his friend. 
Colonel Kelly, with whom I had no previous acquaintance, I 
ma r l Q ar-aneements to take Stephens and themselves to a port 
in the north of France. For the benefit of those who may not 
have a clear recollection of those stirring times, I may mention 
that at the period of which I am giving an account the whoh- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 209 

available forces of the Crown of those islands was concentrated 
upon one object — and that object the recapture of the redoubt- 
able James Stephens, added to which there was a reward of 
£2,000 upon his head. So that the taking of his body alive out 
of Ireland was a task of no small magnitude, more especially 
as the whole line of quays, north and south, was placarded with 
'he tempting fortune of £2,000 to any person who would give 
such information as would lead to his capture; hence the 
sailors who manned the vessels that left the port were — and 
not unnaturally — on the alert as to strangers taking passage in 
any of the coasting colliers. That being the description of 
craft which I owned and commanded at the time, the good brig- 
antine Concord, I may here state that the usual number of my 
crew was six men and a boy, and in consequence of the number 
of those coming, to avoid suspicion, I discharged a correspond- 
ing number of my men, including my mate, which left me but 
two men and the boy, and, nautically speaking, the three 
duffers. 

"Now, it is a notorious fact, that at this time there were two 
revenue cutters, one at each side of Poolbeg, to board any sus- 
picious craft outward bound. For eight or nine days after our 
arrangement we were detained in the Liffey waiting for a 
start of wind, and making whatever preparation we could for 
our perilous voyage. An additional filip was given to my 
anxiety on March 11 by a pilot, who had a vessel out of port 
that day, and who told me he was obliged to heave the ship 
to in the bay, when a search of over an hour was made, and 
not an inch of the ship but was overhauled, and every man on 
board questioned. 

"After hearing this cheering news from the pilot, who little 
thought what an interest I had in his yarn, I retired to my 
cabin to think. I leave my readers to imagine what my 
thoughts were, if they are so minded. On the twelfth I had my 
vessel hauled out in the river, ready to start, and at 9 o'clock 
p. m., on Tuesday, the thirteenth inst., I was at the landing 
steps opposite Boyd's Chemical Works by appointment, when 
my three adventurers stepped into my boat, and I sculled them 
on board as quickly as possible. We cast off our moorings, and 
had the vessel hauled over to the north side of the river to 
make sail with the wind N. E. — Kelly, Flood and Stephens 
working manfully at the winch. 

"As may be imagined, we had considerable delay owing to the 
want of nautical skill of my three new sailors, and it was 
1.30 of the fourteenth when we hailed the revenue boat to know 
the time. At first we feared she would board us, but she passed 
up the river, merely asking what ship. I answered the Concord, 
of Dublin, for Cardiff. We then had to run the gauntlet of the 
two revenue cruisers in the bay, but we sailed gaily out inno- 
cently between them without notice, shaped a southerly course, 
passed the Mugglins closely, soon after Bray Head which 
showed remarkably beautiful in the bright moonlight. At. this 
time we were going free with every stitch we could carry with 



2io. APPENDIX TO 

a spanking N. E. breeze. By daylight we were off Wicklow 
Head, when the wind gradually died away and changed to 
S. E., which directly headed us on the course we were sailing, 
and as we were keeping close to the land so as to get all the 
advantage we could of the ebb tide, which had still about two 
hours to run, we were unpleasantly close to a very nasty lee 
shore. However, we beat up as far as Arklow Bay, where we 
put in to avoid the flowing tide. 

"About midday, the wind increasing, I saw we were going to 
have a very bad night, as there were all the indications of a 
storm from the south. My position was now truly one of 
anxiety — the prospect of a gale right in our teeth, a dangerous 
shore under our lee, and two revenue cruisers in the Bay of 
Dublin on the lookout. About 2 o'clock p. m. I hastily con- 
sulted with my passengers as to the desirability of putting down 
our helm and running for a port in Scotland. After a time 
they agreed, and down went the helm, and we squared away 
to the northward, avoiding Dublin Bay by running over the 
Kish Bank, which in itself was no small risk, as a smart breeze 
was blowing and a rough see running, and slow-sailing craft as 
we were, we were going seven knots through the water, the 
wind still increasing. I was now making for mid-channel, as it 
was not prudent to keep too near the Irish land: also there 
was every likelihood of the wind becoming more easterly, 
which turned out so. 

"It was now blowing half a gale, but I carried every stitch 
until 10 o'clock p. m., when we took in all our light-flyers which 
was most fortunate, as about 11 o'clock p. m. we were struck 
with a very heavy squall, which, tidy as we were, almost threw 
her on her beam ends. We had to let go everything and run 
dead before the wind until we got her under double-reefed can- 
vas and small head-sail, which was the very most she could 
carry, and with that she labored and strained all night in a 
heavy seaway close hauled, the wind having gone considerably 
eastward and increased to a gale. At dawn we sighted the Isle 
of Man on our weather beam. How to get around the South 
Light was the next problem, and a difficult one, too. I could 
run for Strangford Lough with ease; but if I did the probabili- 
ties were strongly in favor of my being boarded and the game 
ended; so I clapped on sail until we could hardly stand on deck, 
our lee rail being almost in the water. 

"I may mention that a sunken reef runs out from this island 
or rock for about two miles, and its termination was at that 
time marked by a buoy, but there is a lightship there now. 
This was the object I dreaded; but with the aid of the flowing 
tide and the heavy press of sail we were carrying I had great 
hopes of weathering it. It was a narrow shave, as in passing 
I could easily hit the buoy with a biscuit. Shortly after passing 
this danger a steamer hove in sight, and so overstrained were 
my nerves that I took her for a gunboat. This is not much to 
be wondered at, as the nature of my charge, the length of time 
I stood at the vessel's wheel — almost since we left the Liffey — 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 211 

and the very disagreeable change in the weather, had their 
effect, and almost knocked me off my head. Flood, Kelly and 
Stephens, each provided with a brace of six-chambered revol- 
vers, and setting their teeth, resolved not to be taken alive. 
This warlike preparation was, I was thankful to learn from one 
of my own men, rendered unnecessary, as the eteamer turned 
out to be the Derry boat. 

"At 2 o'clock p. m. on the fifteenth of March, we were again 
obliged to up helm and run for the Lough through the narrow 
Sound of Donaghadee into the Lough, where I let go my anchor 
right opposite the coast-guard station in Whitehouse Roads as 
dusk was setting in. At 5 o'clock next morning (March 16), 
weighed anchor with a fair wind and stood down the Lough, 
but had only got as far as Copeland Islands when the standard 
of the wheel broke, and the vessel's head came round and 
faced up the Lough again. This caused considerable delay, as 
tackle had to be rigged as temporary steering gear. 

"We again got her before the wind, a good strong breeze 
S. S. E. blowing at the time, and shaped a course for Irvine, 
which, however, we were unable to reach, for as we stood more 
easterly the wind headed us again, and I decided to make 
Ardrossan, which we reached about 8 o'clock p. m., and run 
the vessel hard and fast on the ground in the old harbor. 
Watching a proper opportunity I launched my small boat, got 
my three passengers and self into her, and sculled them to 
the beach opposite the Eglinton Hotel, which was the deepest 
water, but as the boat was still some distance from the beach 
I had to jump into the water knee-deep and carry them one by 
one on shore, where our leave-taking was very short — merely a 
fervent shake of the hand on my part, a wish for their safe 
departure from the kingdom; and on theirs, a profound expres- 
sion of gratitude, and that was the last I saw of the gallant 
old chief and his intrepid companions, one of whom was a 
dear personal friend of my own." 

Captain Weldon died on January 5, 1905, at his residence, 2 
Marino terrace, Malahide road, Dublin, in his sixty-ninth year. 
He was in his thirtieth year at the time of his famous exploit. 
The love of daring adventures in the cause of fatherland seems 
to have been a hereditary instinct with him, for it was his 
grandfather who smuggled Hamilton Rowan away to France 
from Howth. 



212 APPENDIX TO 

XXVIII 

(Printed Circular.) 

War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, January 4, 1866. 
The following officers have been appointed by me to serve 
on the General Staff or as Inspectors General in the various 
States: 

C. Carroll Tevis, Adjutant General with rank of Brigadier 
General. 

John Mechan, Colonel and Chief Engineer. 

P. F. Walsh, Colonel and Inspector General. 

S. R. Tresilian, Major and Assistant Engineer. 

Eugene J. Courtney, Major and Assistant Adjutant General. 

William M. O'Reilly, Captain of Ordnance. 

D. W. Greany, Clerk in War Department. 

List of Inspectors General. 

Major John Delahunt, State of Wisconsin. 

Gen. Thos. Curry, State of Missouri. 

Col. Albert P. Morrow, State of Pennsylvania. 

Capt. Maurice J. McGrath, State of Illinois. 

Major P. Phelan, Department of Manhattan. 

George O'Neil, State of Delaware. 

Col. James Doyle, State of New York. 

John F. Scanlon, Department of Chicago. 

Lieut. Col. John G. Healy, State of Connecticut. 

Capt. Timothy O'Connor, Department of Shawmut. 

Capt. John H. Daly, State of Michigan. 

Capt. Andrew Mahony, State of Florida. 

Col. John Balfe, State of Indiana. 

Capt. T. R. Bourke, State of Massachusetts. 

(Signed) T. W. SWEENY, 

Sec. of War, F. B. 



XXIX 

This letter was written to General Halpin in New York in 
1866 by Capt. Larry O'Brien, then in Paris. Capt. O'Brien is 
at present living in New Haven, Conn. 



Paris, January 17, 1866. 
Col. W. J. Halpin: 

Dear Sir; I have been in Paris since the day after you left 
Dublin. A friend of yours, Mr. Nicholson Walshingham, is now 
one week here with me. You know him, he is an artist. He 
desires to be remembered to you all. Our friends in Dublin are 
in favor of Col. O'Mahony. Mr. W. desires me to tell you so. 
There is here a young man the name of Graney. He is from 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 213 

Philadelphia. He states that he was sent here by the new 
Senate to see Stephens and have him go to America. He says 
that the reason he did not bring any letters of explanation or 
recommendation was because P. J. Meehan told him that he 
would not need them, as he, Meehan. would write to Mitchell 
and it would be all right, and Mitchell would recognize him, 
but when Mitcheil saw him he would not have anything to do 
with him. He was very bitter against Col. O'Mahony, but he 
has moderated very much and, in fact, he has not one word to 
say in favor of the Senate. 

Is it not too bad that they do not send the money, and it 
needed so much? I am a witness to the proper outlay of the 
last amount. I have resided here since Dec. 14th and will 
continue to do so for another week or so. I am the agent of 
the Irish firm. I purchase silk very cheap and have no troubie 
in sending them by post. Mr. W. desires me to say to you that 
he has been pushing up to one of the Widows while you are 
absent and expects to make good progress. Every friend that 
comes from Ireland swears that if they get an opportunity 
they will have revenge on P. J. Meehan. I would call your 
attention to the "Irish American" of the 16th Dec. on the 2nd 
page, where they mention about a draft of $60,000 as if the 
enemy would not find out soon enough. Will you please settle 
with Col. O'Mahony about the checks of £19.10 which was of 
one amount 1st and second of bill of exchange; please to re- 
member me to Col. O'Mahony. 1 have full faith that he never 
will do wrong and his action will be a great benefit to us and 
that I hope before many months pass away that I will be fight- 
ing under him defending the Green banner of Ireland. Hoping 
to see you in good health, I have the honor to remain, 
Yours respectfully and sincerely, 

L. O'BKIEN. 

P. S. — Please excuse me for the liberty I take in addressing 
you. 



XXX 

24 Rue Lacepede, Paris, January 27, 1866. 

My Dear O'Mahony:— I congratulate you on having got rid 
of the title of president, and also got rid of the constitution and 
of the Senate. I saw that matters were coming to that point 
and that there would be infallibly an open rupture. I have 
read your message in the Daily News and find it very satis- 
factory. No doubt the real and sincere Irishmen who desire 
the success of our cause will rally around you, and probably 
the organization will be as strong as ever. 

In the meantime the rupture in America has greatly injured 
our friends in Ireland, who were expecting, if not an armed 
expedition, at least large supplies of money to purchase war 
material. I told them immediately on coming over here that 



2T 4 APPENDIX TO 

I thought they need not expect an expeditionary force, which 
the American Government would never allow to start, the two 
countries being at peace. I did not conceal my own strong 
conviction that an insurrection in Ireland without such aid 
from America must fall. But J. S. is, after all, the best judge 
of the exigencies of his own position, and you need not be 
surprised if you hear any day that a decisive movement has 
been made. 

I have written twice in some detail to you since coming to 
Paris — once under cover to Mrs. Doheny in Brooklyn, and once 
to your box in the post office. The second letter was addressed 
on the outside to Mr. Killian and contained letters for him and 
for you. I hope those all duly arrived. If so you already 
know the situation of affairs as I found it, and also the rapid 
and constant demand for money. The sum sent out with me 
is now all drawn and safely sent over, except about £100, which 
I keep still in the bank to keep the account open. Our friends 
in Ireland are very eager to hear of further remittances from 
your side, but I suppose the unfortunate state of affairs there 
may have prevented that. 

My constant address for the future will be as above: 24 Rue 
Lacepede, where I shall go to live at the end of February, and 
where I receive letters at present. Letters, however, addressed 
to me this month at 3 Rue Richer will come to hand. Address 
in preference to Rue Lacepede. Very truly your friend, 

J. M. (John Mitchel.) 



XXXI 

Philadelphia, January 28, 1866. 
Major Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec of War. 

General: After a very lengthy interview and much discus- 
sion with Messrs. Jenks & Mitchell, yesterday, l have ac- 
complished the renewal of the contract until the 28th Febru- 
ary, that is thirty (30) days from the date of expiration of 
the original agreement. Mr. O'Rourke could give me but 
five thousand (5,000) dollars and I could not obtain J. & M.'s 
consent to the withdrawal of any muskets until the further 
payment of five thousand (5,000) dollars, when it is stipulated 
I shall do so. It is also understood that by payments of install- 
ments we may at any time take away the articles in a number 
proportionate to the amounts paid. In this arrangement I was 
guided by the advice of Senator Meehan in the absence of 
Mr. O'Sullivan. 

I shall inspect to-morrow a large quantity of artillery 
harness to be sold at a Government sale on Tuesday, 
and be guided in my action by the quality and prices of the 
articles. During the end of the week I have opened and 
answered several letters to yourself and Colonel Roberts, and 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 215 

sent to the press several sets of resolutions passed in different 
circles, endorsing yourself and the Senate. I regret that the 
correspondence on the subject of the arms has been published; 
it will direct the attention of the authorities to the transac- 
tion. Colonel Roberts assured me that this part of his answer 
to Killian would not be made public, and I presume that in his 
absence some one has assumed an unauthorized responsibility. 
Letters from Washington and Baltimore strongly urge your 
visit there, and I respectfully recommend that you take these 
points on your return, particularly as the Baltimore Circle 
announces that "they have five hundred dollars in their 
treasury which they do not know what to do with." I wrote 
Gahan, the Centre, a begging letter and it may have the effect, 
but your presence will have a hundred fold the effect. The 
people are wavering, but he says "with a speech from you and 
Colene! Roberts two thousand (2,000) men can be raised" — 
my own regiment was mustered out there, and the Maryland 
troops, personal vanity apart, had a good deal of confidence 
in me. West Point reports from four hundred (400) to five 
hundred (500) dollars in their treasury and a similar state of 
uncertainty. I have written and will send them some one 
this week. Bryce brings an invitation from the wealthy Circle 
of Bordentown, N. J. I can't syeak and have ordered Tresil- 
lian and Hynes there. 

Colonel Doyle, our best A. I. G., has sent me a 
suggestion that a professional tour be made to Pough- 
keepsie, Malone and a number of other points along the 
line of the railroad and the frontier. I have directed him 
to visit these points; I at the same time forwarded him a com- 
mission as Colonel, 1st Regiment, I. A., with authority and in- 
structions to recruit a regiment immediately. I will examine 
to-day Col. Morrow, Major Harkness and Captain Lanigan, to 
whom authority was given- to recruit a Cavalry Regiment. If 
I find them fit, I shall issue their commissions and muster 
them in immediately. It is understood that their regiment 
is to act as infantry until such time as we can, or they can, 
mount them. 
I inclose a letter from Col. Roberts. 
Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servar.t, 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and A. G., F. B. 



216 APPENDIX TO 

XXXII 

This letter was written by James Stephens in 1866 in the 
presence of Capt. John McCafferty, who carried it to John 
O'Mahony in New York. McCafferty was thus enabled to cer- 
tify to its genuineness, as it seems some doubts had been cast 
on the authenticity of a previous letter. 



Irish Republic. Dublin. February 10, 1866. 
To John O'Mahony, 

Brother and Friend: — This note is written in presence of 
the bearer, Capt. McCafferty, so that he may be able to prove 
the genuineness of my letter at need. Is the precaution called 
for? It may not be, for the "Senate" faction must be very low 
when driven to the expedient of calling my letters of the 22d 
and 23d of last December forgeries. Such a faction must, 1 
say, be very low, and may be no more by this. But I would 
leave nobody any excuse for affixing such a stain or any stain 
to your name, and whoever would attempt to do so after this 
I would publicly brand as a wilful slanderer and enemy to 
Ireland. Yours fraternally, 

JAMES STEPHENS. 

This letter is indorsed as follows: "New York, March 19, 
1866. Read before Central Council. John O'Mahonv. H. C. 
F. B." 



Private. 

Dublin, February 10, 1866. 
To John O'Mahony, New York. 

Brother and Friend: — I intended to have sent out by bearer 
an elaborate address to the friends of Ireland in America. 
Written as I meant to write it, this address would, I believe, 
have smashed all opposition and given confidence to men now 
sceptical enough. Unfortunately, cold began to grow on me 
some days ago, and yesterday this cold came to a crisis. My 
throat became so swollen and sore that I could take no food 
and could get but little sleep last night. This morning I 
was much worse and in high fever. However, I arose to 
make an effort to write. I have found it impossible to do so, 
and to-night I am decidedly unwell. I should not be uneasy 
but for my throat. But even this may be only a temporary ail- 
ment, and 1 trust all will be well in a few days. 

Your letters since the convention have brought us all but 
despair. It is a miracle how we have been able to hold out 
since. The last money in Mitchell's hands (£160) was drawn 
a month and more ago. Since then we have been driven to 
raise money as best we could. Now, to show that we want 
money at present is to drive into utter despair the very class 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 217 

of men who could give us money. Are you aware of the num- 
ber of men under pay here now? Besides those from your 
side, there are some thousand from England and Scotland. 
Then the trials demand large sums. And what of the organi- 
zation? I say nothing of the needs of war. But if the real 
state of things were now known to all I should either consent 
to move at once, as we are or dissolve the organization. 
I had made you popular here once more and taught all in 
our ranks to look to you hopefully, but what can I do now in 
the face of facts? The heavens or the earth could not hide 
you if we are driven into a light of desperation and conse- 
quent slaughter or dissolution. 

I am unable to write more at present. A word of advice 
may be given with regard to those men just come over. We 
don't want privates here in this way. When such men come at 
all it should be with the expedition. Nor will officers, unless 
of a superior grade and superior ability, be worth their pay till 
we take the field. It is a woeful thing on your side to think 
that, with a few exceptions, we have not men here equal to 
the officers hitherto sent over. We have hundreds such. 

I feel really so unwell that I must conclude here. Hoping 
that something of consequence has been done by this and 
that aid is within a few days of us, I am 

Yours as ever, 

JAMES STEPHENS. 

The bearer has won a high opinion for himself here. I think 
very highly of him myself, and it grieves me to let him go. 
But he can do good work in various ways at your side, and 
you will find him specially serviceable in putting to shame or 
silence those treacherous runaways who are now trotted out to 
slander the true and brave men at home. Be very kind to 
bearer. 

This letter bears the following indorsement: "Hd. Qrs. F. B., 
New York, 19 March, 1866. Read befor C. C. John O'Mahony, 
H. C. F. B." 



XXXIII 

U. S. Steamer Michigan, 
Buffalo, Feb. 16, 1866. 

Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

Sir: — I have formed a circle on board of this ship. It num- 
bers 17 men at present, good and true to the cause. 

I gave Mr. O'Day $100 from myself to buy arms. 

There is nothing new on the Lakes. We can't leave here 
before the 15th of April next. 

I will do all I can. You may be sure that I am sorry that 



2i8 APPENDIX TO 

I can't attend the Convention, but you can have all the means 
that it is in my power to give. 

If you want a map of Lake Erie, I can get it for you. 
I hope the President is well. 

Fraternally yours, 

WM. E. LEONARD, 

C. F. B. 
Direct. 

WM. E. LEONARD, Mate, 
U. S. Steamer Michigan, 
Buffalo, N. Y. 



XXXTV 

Headquarters, F. B., 
New York, March 3rd, 1866. 
Maj. General T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War and Navy, F. B. 

General: — In compliance with your instructions I have made 
investigations regarding the organization of a co-operative 
naval force, intended to capture the enemy's vessels now 
blockaded by ice in the Canadian waters, and have the honor 
to report as follows: 

First. The enterprise would require from two to three hun- 
dred able seamen, divided into as many corps as there are 
objective points — a simultaneous movement being advisable. 

Second. Each corps should be under the command of a re- 
liable and experienced naval officer. 

Third. An immediate recognizance of the position, arma- 
ment and other means of defense of these vessels should be 
made. 

Fourth. The expedition should keep open as far as possible 
the means of communication between the different corps, for 
the purpose of concentration, if necessary, for which purpose 
there should be a Chief of the expedition. 

Fifth. The men can be raised in New York in ten or 
twelve days and the services of competent and faithful officers 
obtained. 

Sixth. The expense of fitting out such an expedition at this 
place would be about $12,000, viz.: 

Bounty or "Hand Money." $40 per man $8,000 

Two weeks' subsistence for men and officers 2,000 

Transportation and subsistence 2,000 

$12,000 

This amount would put the forces in the vicinity of the 
scenes of operation. 

I think, however, that Buffalo and Chicago would afford 
greater facilities for fitting out such an expedition and that 
the expenses would be reduced. I would suggest, however, 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 219 

even if these points are chosen, that a few good seamen be 
procured here to aid in organizing. 

Respectfully submitted, 

J. W. BRYCE, 
Captain and Naval Aid. 



XXXV 
26 Rue Lacepede, Paris, March 10, 1866. 
John O'Mahony, Esq., President F. B.: 

Dear O'Mahony: Since my last letter to you I have to report 
the receipt of a package of bonds of the I. R. B., which arrived 
perfectly safe on February 17, and of your letter dated Febru- 
ary 20, enclosing bill of exchange on Rothschilds for 28,840 
francs, of which 3,090 on my private account and 25,750 francs 
for transmission to Ireland, payable three days after sight, 
that is yesterday. 

As there was a messenger already in Paris, waiting for 
money, with an order for £1,000, and as there was still in bank 
a sum of £57 15s. not yet sent over in pursuance of the last 
orders I had been presented with, 1 added these two sums to- 
gether, and also the cost of procuring English money in Paris 
(£6) for £1,000, and remitted the whole, amounting to 
£1,063 16s., or, in francs, after deducting 14 francs for stamp- 
ing duty, 26,576 50c. 

Up to this time all moneys sent over by me have been re- 
ceived; but, of course, there is continual dissatisfaction at re- 
ceiving so little. There is now here in bank to the credit of 
the F. B. something over 1,000 francs only— the precise sum 
I am not certain of until I settle the account with John Monroe 
& Co., which I shall do in a few days, and transfer our account 
elsewhere, for I am well watched. 

With regard to the bonds of the I. R., if the society had gone 
«n harmoniously and if the F. B. were still with strength un- 
broken, as when I left America, probably something could be 
done with them here. You are aware that to put any bonds 
of a foreign loan upon the market here requires previous au- 
thorization by the government. That, I need hardly tell you, 
was not to be expected in the present relations of France and 
England. But perhaps they might have sold privately. How- 
ever, after the events which have happened, both in the United 
States and in Ireland, I see no chance of this. I have offered 
some to persons whom I knew to be well affected to our cause, 
but in vain. For the present, therefore, the whole package of 
bonds remains unbroken in my desk. In a few days, when I 
shall know precisely what balance remains in the bank (which, 
however, is very small, as I told you) I will send over a regular 
account to Mr. Killian. 

Pray note my address, 26 — not 24 — Rue Lacepede. 
Very truly yours, 

JOHN MITCHEL. 



220 APPENDIX TO 

PRIVATE. — I need not tell you, dear O'M., how bitterly I 
have been grieved by the shameful breakup of the F. B. Its 
worst effect was not the cutting off of money supplies — it was 
the deconsideration of our cause in America — wnioii sentiment 
of the Americans was what encouraged the enemy to make th9 
swoop upon all Irish-American citizens they could find in Ire- 
land. I make no doubt that Russell had consulted Adams 
before doing it and that Adams told him to go ahead — they 
were but Irish, after all. It is very well for Mr. Killian and 
others to express indignation, which indeed they have a right 
to feel at this open abandonment of the rights of naturalized 
citizens who had fought for the flag and all that. But it is 
what ought to have been expected. And a fine situation those 
American Irish now find themselves in, who fought for that 
flag with the expectation that as soon as the war was ended 
they would be let loose upon England! 

But it is useless to look back upon the past. The movement 
in Ireland is, I suppose, entirely stopped and any combined and 
intelligent insurrection quite impossible — though there may be 
local outbreaks. The last letter but one I had from him (be- 
ginning of January) was to ask my advice as to whether the 
outbreak should begin then, within a day or two, or be post- 
poned for a month, when he said he was sure of being much 
better provided with material. Now, he knew my opinion at 
the time he wrote — namely, that without a considerable expe- 
dition from America insurrecti-on in Ireland was hopeless. 
So in my reply I told him that I must decline to give any ad- 
vice now on that point — that he best knew both what his re- 
sources were and what engagements he had taken with the 
multitudes of Americans he had brought over, as well as the 
many hundreds, perhaps thousands, of men he had induced 
to come from England and Scotland, abandoning their busi- 
ness and appearing on the streets of Dublin as strangers 
having nothing to do, which could not fail to attract the atten- 
tion of the police — that I would have advised that matters 
should not be brought to such a crisis at present, but as he 
had brought them to such a crisis I wc-uld not recommend 
anything at all. All I could do was to remit the money in my 
hando as quickly as he called for it. Again he wrote to me, 
a few days later, stating that neither he nor any one else in 
the movement thought for one moment of settling down with- 
out a fight — that the question was only whether they should 
fight then or in the beginning of February. And that was all 
he had asked my advice upon; that he had consulted his 
Centres and laid everything before them, and that it was 
agreed to wait till the beginning of February. It is now near 
the middle of March, and the government has now, I suppose, 
made any respectable fight impossible. Stephens' friends are 
already laying the blame on others, especially on vou for not 
sending an expedition, or at least for not furnishing an illimit- 
able treasury. It was impossible for you to do, under the cir- 
cumstances, more than you have done, and this I have always 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 221 

told them. Also the prompt action of the English government 
was precisely what they ought to have expected — what they 
ought to have been prepared for — what they ought to have 
anticipated, by striking two months ago if they were to strikQ 
at all. 

I do not understand all this, as at present advised. But I 
wish to say to you that if the movement so far as immediate 
action is concerned be really ruined, and if the I. R. (after so 
many fine men have been destroyed) is to settle back into its 
normal form of a chronic conspiracy, I have doubts about the 
propriety of remaining as a financial agent in Paris. For the 
next three months, of course, I will remain at my post and 
carry out any instructions and dispositions with regard to 
funds that I may be entrusted with by the F. B. That will 
give both you and me time to convince ourselves of the real 
history and present situation of affairs in Ireland. I hope you 
will also write to me and frankly tell me what you think of 
all this and of the future course we ought to adopt. 

I am glad to learn that you are again getting the power of 
the F. B. into your own hands. You know it was my opinion 
that you should never have shared it with others. And where 
you were first seriously to blame (as I thought, and think) was 
in permitting that Philadelphia Congress at all, or at least 
permitting the appointment of Senate and "Government," etc. 
I partly foresaw trouble before I left, and tried to impress most 
earnestly upon members of the Senate that their business ana 
duty were to sustain you. But I further find you to blame, 
when the Senate attacked you, in retorting hard names upon 
them and posting them as thieves. This made the breach 
irreparable, provoked their friends throughout the country to 
sustain them through everything and added to the already 
inevitable scandal of an "Irish quarrel," which amused the 
Americans and encouraged the British to ride roughshod over 
the I. R. 

You may have remarked that, although on quitting America 
I had promised Mr. Meehan a weekly letter for the Irish 
American, which letter I hoped to make a valuable auxiliary 
to the cause, I wrote him, in fact, only one before I heard of 
the quarrel. I came then reluctantly to the conclusion that 
my contributing to the Irish American under the circumstances 
would give me the appearance of taking part against you. 

On the other hand, I did not see how I could write a public 
letter sustaining you without attacking the Senators, some of 
whom I really think good and patriotic Irishmen. 

In the meantime I beg of you to consider well the present 
situation of affairs and give me your views fully. 

With best regards to Mr. Killian I am, dear O'Mahony, very 
sincerely yours, 

JOHN MITCHEL. 

P. S. — Although the second part of my present letter is 
marked private, that is merely to indicate that it is not offi- 
cial, You can, of course, show it to any one you may think 



APPENDIX TO 

right. If you should even deem it judicious to publish the 
latter part of it, beginning with "I am glad to learn," I make 
no objection, although in writing it I did not think of this — 
which, perhaps, is so much the better. J. M. 

Only if you do print this latter part I stipulate that you leave 
it as it is without retouching even the passages in which I have 
taken the liberty to blame yourself. 



XXXVI 

1334 Walnut Street, March 23, 1866. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

General: — I am engaged in preparing, for shipment, three 
thousand (3,000) muskets. To-morrow I am to have an in- 
terview with the party who sent you a note offering batteries; 
he will then furnish me detailed specifications of his proposal. 
From what I have 1 ^arned to-day the price of each battery 
complete, including harness, will not exceed ten thousand 
(10,000) dollars. The guns are 3-inch rifles, and are at the 
Phenixville foundry; they are reported to be new guns, and, to 
avoid the expense of a journey there, I shall direct Maj. Tres- 
sillian, who is to be there to-morrow, to make an inspection 
and report — the carriages, etc., I will see to myself. The best 
of the business is that the people will engage to deliver to 
us at any point we may indicate and run all risks of transporta- 
tion, etc. Maj. Lanigan reports twelve hundred (1,200) men, 
of whom, he says, he can rely on seven hundred (700) to start 
with in his own regiment. They want arms and will pay for 
carbines or revolvers and sabres, but fear, if they once get 
muskets they will always be obliged to keep them. If we 
can secure overcoats as uniforms, money will be forwarded 
for them to our depot. The distribution of arms has had 
a good effect in the interior, and with your permission, I will 
store some muskets here, in charge of Major Lanigan, for issue 
to such circles as have contributed funds. I have terminated 
the answer to the N. O. people, I am not satisfied with it, 
however, and beg your indulgence and correction. Don't Think 
me troublesome, but will you interest Graham about my 
brevet? Very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and A. G., F. B. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 223 

XXXVII 

No. 28 S. 4th Street, 
Philadephia, 'April 14, '66. 
Col. C. C. Tevis, New York. 

My Dear Sir: — Yours of yesterday with the papers inclosed 
was received this morning, and submitted to Jenks & Son, 
with whom I spent over an hour in the effort to convince them 
that they were wrong in charging for the cases. They cannot, 
however, be moved from the ground they have taken. Nothing, 
therefore, remains, but to fight them upon the point or pay 
the amount claimed. They accepted the $8,300, of which you 
will find the receipt inclosed upon upon the contract, as also 
a suspension of the time for the payment of the $1,871 — for a 
week — but as they decline to permit more than 1,000 muskets 
to leave in cases, until the matter is settled, it would be well 
to bring it to a close forthwith, as Major O'Reilly may be em- 
barassed if the matter is delayed beyond a day or two. 

Inclosed you will find a letter from Jenks & Son in reply to 
yours. 

Regretting that the circumstances have not permitted my 
bringing the matter to a more favorable conclusion, I am 
Truly yours, 

JOHN M. ARUNDEL. 

The other papers I have retained subject to your order, 
in case there should be further use for them here. 



224 APPENDIX TO 

XXXVIII 

26 Rue Lacepede, Paris, April 7, 1866. 

My Dear O'Mahony: I enclose account as it stands at this 
date. I have received, I presume, in safety all that has been 
transmitted. You will see the amount of my receipts, with 
the dates, in the account, and will know whether any have 
miscarried. 

I am glad to say that none of the messengers carrying money 
from hence to Ireland have been intercepted. I have vouchers 
for all the disbursements, with the exception of 120 francs, $24, 
paid, as you will see, to destitute fugitives. 



John Mitchel, in account 

1865. Dr. Francs. 

Dec. 5 — To amount of bill of exchange on Tapscotts, 
after deducting expense of commission, etc., as 
per Bordeau from J. Monroe & Co., cash net 204,279.65 

1866. 

Jan. 2 — To interest on bank account at John Monroe 

& Co.'s up to this date 176.90 

March 9— To amount of letter of cr. on Rothschilds 25,750.00 

March 15 — To ietter of credit on same house from 

San Francisco, remitted by Kelly & Co., N. Y.. 25,750.00 

March 22 — To amount of two letters of credit re- 
ceived same day as per my journal 54,638.25 



Total 310,594.80 

By credits 278.893.30 

Balance in bank this 7th April, 1866 31,701.50 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 225 

Mr. Stephens is now in Paris. He has drawn from me two 
sums of 25,000 each. He has also taken bonds of the I. R. 
from me to the amount of $10,000, which he says he thinks he 
may dispose of. I handed him the bonds to that amount, 
taking his receipts. 

I am in receipt of letters from Mr. Killian of March 3 pre- 
paring me to receive large remittances. But since receipt of 
that letter only two letters of credit arrived, both on the same 
day, in a letter from you to the amount of £2,000, as per 
account. Very truly yours, 

JOHN MITCHEL. 



with the F. B., this 7th April, 1866. 

1865. Cr. Francs. 

Dec. 7— Sent to Ireland by Capt. Burke £1,000 in 
Bank of England notes, amounting in francs, 

with cost of exchanging the money, to 25,150.00 

Dec. 15 — Paid to Capt. L. O'Brien, financial agent of 

I. R. B. ( by order from Kelly 25,150.00 

Dec. 16— Do. do 12,575.00 

Dec. 19— Do. do 25,150.00 

Dec. 22— Do. do 25,150.00 

Dec. 26— Paid Capt. O'Brien on two separate orders. . 37.726.00 

1866. 

Jan. 3 — Gave Capt. O'Brien on two orders amounting 

to £1,800 45,297.05 

Jan. 16— Gave Capt. O'Brien on order for £300 only. 5,030.00 
Feb. 3 — Do. under same order an additional sum of. . 400.00 

Feb. 17 — Cost of parcel from Havre, with bonds 13.75 

Feb. 20 — Gave Capt. O'Brien, still under same order. 500.00 
March 3 — Gave to Col. H. McConnell, who represent- 
ed himself as just escaped from custody in Ire- 
land and was quite destitute 100.00 

March 3 — To — Wrenn under similar circumstances 20.00 

March 9 — To stamp duty on bill of exchange at 

Rothschilds 14.00 

March 9 — Paid to Edmund O'Leary and W. O'Dono- 

van for transmission to Ireland 26,576.50 

March 15 — Stamp on letter of credit from Eugene 

Kelly & Co 13.00 

March 24 — Handed to Jas. Stephens in Paris, on his 

receipt 25,000.00 

March 30— Paid stamp duty on two bills of exchange. 28.00 

March 30— Handed to James Stephens on his receipt. 25,000.00 

Total 278,893.30 



226 APPENDIX TO 

XXXIX 

(Paris), April 7, (1866.) 
Dear O'M.: Stephens leaves here, I believe, on the 14th. I 
wish he had gone by an earlier steamer, as his presence must 
be very much needed over there to give impetus to the move- 
ment and strengthen your hands. But I hope there is no in- 
tention of placing him at the head of the F. B. in America. 
He says he does not wish this himself and would not accept 
it; that he goes out chiefly to help to bring back the Senate 
party to reason and sustain your position. He tells me, how- 
ever, that you have earnestly begged him to go over, as you 
are yourself worn out. It is not to be wondered at if the strain 
of the last few months has told heavily upon you, both in 
physique and morale. I trust you are to remain at the head 
of the American organization. 

I am not sure how long my position here may be tenable, 
owing to the injudicious publication of my name in*newspapers 
and speeches as a "financial agent" in Paris receiving and 
disbursing large sums of money. Do you know that this is 
advertising me as a mark to all the thieves in Europe? — 
besides directing the special attention of the British Govern- 
ment to me and all who have business with me. Accordingly 
I am haunted by both spies and robbers. Shortly after re- 
moving to this house three men came to lodge with a marchand 
du vins almost opposite the gate. The people of the house 
knew them to be spies at once from the way in which they 
dogged me. Their proceedings at first were quite unobserved 
by myself and had been going on in a most offensive way for 
two weeks without my knowing anything about it. At last 
I was told, and went at once to the Prefet of Police. He told 
me they were no agents of his and that the Frence police had 
never had any reason to occupy themselves about me or my 
movements. Then I knew the rascals must be rascals of Lord 
Cowley's. I wrote to him asking if it were so, and if so what 
his Lordship wanted with me. To this I got no reply, but the 
three rascals disappeared suddenly and have never been seen 
in the street since. Of course they have been replaced and the 
surveillance is kept up. The danger of this i3 that they may 
make themselves acquainted with the appearance of some oc 
those messengers who come from Ireland to me. 

But this is not all. My apartment was entered one evening 
in my absence, and entered by a false key, for I had the key of 
my room in my pocket all evening. Next morning I observed 
some derangement among my papers and two letters of credit 
gone. One was of no value, for it was a second, and the first 
was already paid me; but the other was a first, had been duly 
accepted at Rothschilds, payable three days after — and the 
three days expired on that very morning I discovered the loss. 
Luckily, it was a Sunday morning. If it had been on any week 
day the letter might have been presented at the opening of the 
bank and the money paid. A3 it was I had time to take my 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 227 

measures. Had police agents posted at Rothschilds in the 
morning, and also telegraphed to London, supposing that the 
thief might slip over there and present the letter at the London 
branch. But I failed to catch the thief, as he did not venture 
to present himself at either house. The money was safe 
enough and was paid to me on the arrival of the second ex- 
change. But this gives some idea of the rascality at work 
around me — and all by reason of the foolish announcements. 
I have no doubt that gangs of thieves from London are here 
to rob me. Of course, I am now put on my guard and take 
good measures to make robbery impossible. Yet it is not 
pleasant to think that your room and your private drawers 
and all your papers may be at any time rummaged in your 
absence. 

I asked you in my last letter to consider well and let me 
have your conclusions as to the present condition of the Cause. 
Pray write to me. Very truly your friend, J. M. 

Do not make this note public, but show it to whom you 
please. 



XL 

Paris, Rue Lacepede 26, 

April 10, 1866. 

My Dear O'Mahony: — Received to-day yours of March 27, 
inclosing two letters of credit (firsts) on Rothschilds, one 
dated March 21, for 28,369 francs, and the other dated March 
27, for 28,689.70. 

Two days ago 1 sent you (addressed outside to Mr. Killian) 
a full account of my many transactions up to this date, which 
will enable you to see whether any remittances have miscar- 
ried. I rather think not. I will recapitulate here what I have 
stated in the account. 

Since the first sum which I carried out with me, for which 
I received in cash frs. 204,279.65. I received March 9 25,750 
francs; on 15th (from San Francisco through Kelly & Co.), 
25,750, and on the 22d two letters of credit, amounting in all 
to 54,658.25. These sums, together with frs. 175.90 (interest 
on account current), make in all frs. 310,594.80 up to April 1. 

To-day I have the additional sums mentioned above. The 
account which I have sent up to April 1 will show my dis- 
bursements up to that date. 

I see you think it remarkable that at the date of your last 
letter, March 27. you had not yet received an acknowledgment 
of remittances contained in a letter of March 8, which was not 
possible. I think, however, from what you say, that one letter 
of mine to you must have miscarried. 

For the future I beg of you to cause a clerk to send me by 
each letter that comes to me a statement of the remittances 
made before that date, with dates and amounts. This will 
enable me to perceive if anything has gone astray. 



•228 APPENDIX TO 

I wrote to you fully along with the account. Mr. Stephens 
goes out in a day or two. 

Very truly yours, J. M. 

' Pray acknowledge the receipt of the account the moment it 
comes to hand. I carefully keep the voucher3 for disburse- 
ment to be produced hereafter. 



XL1 

This is a copy of an interesting report made to General Sweeny 
showing the strength of the armed guards on the Welland Canal 
in Can?da. It was transmitted by a U. S. naval officer, a member 
of the Fenian organization. 

Buffalo, N. Y., April 9, 1866. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

Sir: — William M. Andrew, being over to the Welland Canal, 
on the 6th of this month, reports as follows: 

Total number of men stationed there is 75, consisting of 
some cavalry, infantry and rifles; ten regulars in all. Arms, 
rifles and two six-pounders placed on the dock. That is all 
the force to his knowledge on the Canal. 

Mr. Andrews' brother lives at Welland, on the canal. He 
says they are drilling at night with sticks, the number true to 
you is 25. 

The length of the canal is 28 miles, with 26 locks. Your 
point is the guard lock. By destroying this lock and the one 
below you destroy the whole canal. The feeder runs into 
this lock; the feeder is 18 feet high; the highest one there is. 
There is no lock on the feeder and the force of water from it 
will burst the best of the locks, as there is a great fall from 
this point to Lake Ontario. There are also two railroad 
bridges that cross the canal; one at Port Colburn and the other 
at Thirrell. Both are wooden bridges and swing in the centre. 
Port Colburn is 24 miles from Buffalo and 18 by railroad. It 
lies on Lake Erie and is known as Gravelly Bay. Port Delusia 
is at the entrance from Lake Ontario on the Canada side. There 
is a railroad that runs along the canal from Port Colburn 
to Port Delusia, which connects Lake Erie and Lake Ontario. 
The distance by rail from Port Delusia to Hamilton is about 
four hours (or to Toronto). By steamboat you can go to any 
point on Lake Ontaria through to Quebec by steam or sailing 
vessels. 

General, I hope you will excuse this long letter to you; if 
there is anything I can do let me know and it will be obeyed. 

Captain Roe, of the steamer Michigan, is dispatched from 
here to-day. 

Very respectfully yours, 

WM. E. LEONARD, 
Mate U. S. Steamer Michigan. 

Buffalo, N. Y. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 229 

XL1I 

Letter written by James Stephens in Paris in 1866 to John 
O'Mahony, explaining why he failed to start for America as 
promised. 



Paris, April 12, 1866. 
My Dear O'Mahony: — My intention was to have left to-day, 
and I sincerely reguet my inability to do so. This inability is 
due to the limited amount of money on hand — £ 2,000 or so. 
Now, our actual weekly expense — owing to the trials, which 
were resumed on the 10th — being £700 to £1,000, I could not 
bring myself to leave till I saw enough here to make all sure 
for a month at least. But 1 don't mean to till this sum shall 
have been forwarded from your side. I expect to raise it here 
myself. Col. Kelly leaves to-day, and with his assistance you 
can easily have everything arranged for my reception in the 
States. I need not tell you how much is due to the Colonel. 
He has rendered incalculable service to the cause. To this I 
should add that no other could give so full an account of our 
actions and positions since the first arrests. I leave him to 
speak for Ireland as well as for himself. You will find him 
strong before friend and foe. I leave myself by the next boat — 
that is, on the 28th inst. 

Yours faithfully and fraternally, 

JAMES STEPHENS. 



XLIII 

In 1866 it was felt it was a serious mistake to have two 
rival factions of Fenians in this country, and an effort was 
made to harmonize their differences with a view of combin- 
ing them into one strong, influential organization. With this 
end in view Col. O'Mahony authorized General Wm. J, Halpin 
to represent him in making the first overtures to the "Senate" 
party. 

The written report made by Gen. Halpin in his own hand- 
writing to John O'Mahony is as follows: 

New York, May 4, 1866. 
To Col. John O'Mahoney, H. C. F. B. 

Sir: — I have the honor to report that, agreeable to your in- 
structions of the 20th of April, I proceeded at once to open 
negotiations with Mr. Roberts on the subject of a union of the 
Brotherhood. 

The following correspondence will show the result of my 
efforts to unite the two parties now so unhappily divided: 



230 APPENDIX TO 

HEADQUARTERS FENIAN BROTHERHOOD. 

April 20, 1866. 
Gen'l Wm. G. Halpin, 

My Dear Friend and Brother. — Relying, as you must know, 
most thoroughly upon your honor as a gentleman and your 
patriotism as an Irishman, I hereby fully authorize you to act 
in my name and as my representative with all parties willing 
to co-operate in the liberation of Ireland from English domina- 
tion. Above all, you will, as I know you will, do your utmost 
to promote harmony of action among all lovers of freedom at 
this juncture. 

Fraternally yours. 

JOHN O'MAHONY, H. C. F. B. 

In obedience to the above, I addressed the following let- 
ter to Mr. Roberts: 

Wm. R. Roberts, Esq., 

Dear Sir: — I am commissioned by Col. John O'Mahony, as 
you will see by the inclosed document, to act for him and that 
portion of the Fenian Brotherhood which he represents to 
bring about a perfect understanding between the two sections 
of Irishmen who are, as they believe, working for the freedom 
of their native land. If we are honest in our intentions and 
asseverations we ought to unite for the common good and 
let no personal prejudices interfere between us. It will take 
all our united efforts to overthrow the desperate enemy we 
have to contend with and lift our oppressed nation up to 
freedom and happiness. 

Mr. O'Mahony has been always anxious for this result and 
nothing can give him more satisfaction than a union of all 
good Irishmen. 

I see no difficulty in the way of carrying out Gen'l Sweeney's 
programme if we have a perfect understanding. I much fear 
the result of either party attempting anything on their own 
account, while united they can smite the enemy at different 
points. Mr. Stephens will soon be here, and I think prudence 
would dictate a suspension of operations until he arrives. 

The country looks for unity among us, and if either move 
and fail desperate will be our doom. I know something of the 
personalities bandied about by both sections for some months, 
and as the personal representative of James Stephens I desire 
to stop them. 

If you appoint a committee to meet me at any time and 
place I shall be happy to see such a committee and confer 
with them on the condition of affairs. 

I shall expect a reply at your earliest convenience. 

I am, my dear sir. 

Fraternally yours, 

WM. G. HALFIN. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 231 

To that letter Mr. Roberts replies as follows: 

New York, April 21, 1866. 
Wm. G. Halpin, Esq., 

Sir: — I am in receipt of a communication from you with a 
note inclosed which purports to be a copy of one addressed to 
you by Mr. John O'Mahony. 

Your letter is addressed to me as a private individual and 
as such I have to decline holding any communication witn 
you or Mr. O'Mahony on the subject of which you treat, but 
any communication you choose to address to me in my official 
capacity as president of the Fenian Brotherhood, will receive 
all the attention the interests of the cause I represent re- 
quires. Yours truly, 

W. R. ROBERTS. 

My great anxiety to accomplish the union so much desired 
by the people and so necessary to the cause of Irish freedom, 
and notwithstanding the studied insult conveyed in the word 
purports underscored lest I should not observe its meaning, 
I addressed Mr. Roberts again on the 24th as follows: 

New York, April 24, 1866. 
\Ym. R. Roberts, Esq.: — 

I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 21st 
inst., and to say in reply that I have no objection to your 
assuming any title you please. Mr. O'Mahony will not stand 
upon points of etiquette while the freedom of Ireland is at 
stake. A committee can settle or suggest a plan of action that 
will be satisfactory to both sides. 

The people demand a union, and whoever stands in the way 
must be prepared to receive their censure and abide the conse- 
quences of casting away the liberties of a nation. 

I appeal to you as a patriot, desirous of aiding in the free- 
dom of your country, to appoint a committee of conference 
that will lay the basis of a union that will be lasting and effec- 
tive. Surely no personal pride should prevent this, while the 
whole Brotherhood requires it and the cause of suffering Ire- 
land imperatively demands it. On your answer may depend 
the salvation of a generous people, who, betrayed, may not be 
either patient or forgiving. Those who are suffering in Pen- 
tonville and Mt. Joy, because of the division between us, will 
fail to understand that Ireland's holy cause should suffer, be- 
cause Col. Roberts is not addressed as president of the Fenian 
Brotherhood or Col. O'Mahony as head centre. Union and 
action are demanded by every lover of Ireland, and no points 
of etiquette should stand in the way of their accomplishment. 
Fraternally yours, 

WM. G. HALPIN. 

To the above Mr. Roberts gave only a verbal reply, which 
is embodied in the annexed note of Dr. Mahon, the agent who 
acted between us. 



232 AIM'KXDIX TO 

Finding that Mr. Roberts refused to act I addressed myself 
to General Sweeney, knowing that his name and reputation, 
both as a gentleman and a soldier, kept the party together. 
The following is the note I sent Gen'l Sweeney: 

New York., April 24. 1866. 
Major Gen'l Sweeney, 

Dear Sir: — I am authorized by Col. O'Mahony to represent 
him in bringing about a union of the two sections of the 
Fenian Brotherhood that a concerted plan of action may be 
agreed upon. I wrote to Col. Roberts on the subject and wish 
to have your aid in accomplishing so desirable an object. The 
people who have been sustaining the two parties are crying 
out for union, and their voices cannot safely be disregarded. 

Mr. Stephens will be here by the next French steamer and 
will find the friends of Ireland divided unless we act promptly 
and have an understanding with each other that will enable 
him to consolidate our forces. 

In view of the great, cause we have at heart, no private or 
personal differences should stand in the way of cordial union. 

If the body which you represent appoints a committee to 
confer on the subject I shall meet such a committee at any 
time and place appointed. 

I appeal to you, General, as an Irishman and a patriot to 
assist in creating this union so necessary to our success. 

I shall expect an answer at your earliest convenience. 
Fraternally yours, 

WM. G. HALPIN. 

Owing to accident, the General's reply was destroyed before 
it came into my hands, but I am informed that its purport was 
to the effect that he would receive or answer no communica- 
tion except it was over the signature of Col. O'Mahony. 

Thus, sir, terminated the honest efforts we have been mak- 
ing to cement in one great fraternity the millions of the Irish 
race and friends of Ireland on this continent, that we might 
show to the world that we could be united on one subject, how- 
ever we might differ on others. And although a few men on 
either side may try to prevent this union, it is to be fondly 
hoped that the advent of our great chief and the good sense 
of the masses will effect the object of our dearest desires. 

It is neither my province nor wish to comment on the corre- 
spondence, but submit the whole to your better judgment. 

I have the honor, sir, to remain 

Fraternally yours, 

WM. G. HALPIN, 

Brv't Brig. Gen'l. 



DENIEFFFS RECOLLECTIONS. 233 

XLIV 

Bridesburg, Phila., May 3. 1866. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
your letter of the 2d inst., and in reply to state that out of the 
2,000 muskets which were sent to Mr. Carey's I issued 900 as 
follows: 

To J. F. Scanlon, Chicago, 111 620 

To J. W. Fitzgerald, Cincinnati, Ohio 100 

To Philip Breen, St. Clair, Schuylkill Co., Pa 40 

To Samuel Mulvill, Bergen Point, N. J 20 

To Cornelius Finn 20 

To Peter Higgins, Cleveland, Ohio 20 

To John Egan, Elizabethport, N. J 20 

To Ed. Fitzwilliam, Watertown, Mass 20 

To P. J. Kelly, Newburg, N. Y 40 

Total issued from New York 900 

On hand in New York subject to orders 1,100 

The following were issued from Bridesburg, Phua. : 

To John Nealon, Carbondale, Pa 80 

To M. J. Philben, Wilkesbarre, Pa 80 

To J. E. Clark, Pittstown, Pa 80 

To Bryan Fallon, Archibald, Pa 20 

To P. Regan, Oswego, N. Y 480 

To Thomas McLean, Cincinnati, Ohio 480 

To W. Fleming, Troy, N. Y 480 

To C. I. King, Corry, Pa 20 

To D. McGowan, East St. Louis, 111 40 

To Owen Gavigan, Auburn, N. Y 40 

To P. O'Day, Buffalo, N. Y 1,000 

To John Barret, Dunkirk, N. Y 480 

To M. J. Cronin, Erie, Pa 840 

To J. O'Farrell, Baltimore, Md 100 

Total issued from Bridesburg 4,220 

On hand at Bridesburg subject to orders 1,280 

I will await orders from you before issuing the above 1,280, 
which you will see is on hand here. In the meantime I will 
correspond with Mr. Manix as you direct. 

I deem it proper to mention that the boxes in New York, 
at Mr. Carey's, containing the 1,100, have not as yet been al- 
tered. I am very respectfully, 

Your obedient servant, 

W. M. O'REILLY, 

Maj. of Ord.. F. B. 



234 APPENDIX TO 

XLV 

Bridesburg, Phil., May 5, 1866. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War., F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to state that in obedience with 
instructions from Colonel Mechan (by letter of 4th inst), I 
visited Mr. W. R. Harmer this morning for the .purpose of 
inspecting the batteries therein mentioned, but he informed me 
that it would not be convenient for him to let me see them 
before Monday at 1 p. m., for which time I made an appoint- 
ment with him. I will report immediately after the inspection. 

On opening the boxes which contain the balance of the 
muskets on hand here (1280) 1 found that there were no ram- 
mers with them and reported the fact to Mr. Jenks. He 
immediately started for Washington to procure them and this 
morning telegraphed to his partner, Mr. Mitchell, that they 
would have them here on Monday. If you will send me instruc- 
tions where to send those arms I will lose no time after I 
receive the rammers. I am very respectfully, your obedient 
servant, W. M. O'REILLY, 

Major of Ord., F. B. 



XLVI 

Headquarters, F. B., 706 Broadway, N. Y. 
May 6, 1866. 
General T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War, F. B. 

General: — I had a conversation yesterday with Mr. Hitchcock 
relative to his offer to me of 2,000,000 cartridges — 58 calibre — 
at $14 per 1000. He informed me that officers called on him 
from you to inspect them and that he submitted to them the 
impracticability of storing at one place in New York, and 
inspecting in detail so large a quantity of ammunition. He 
also requested me to make the following suggestions for your 
consideration, viz.: 

That the ammunition is government ammunition, purchased 
by him from the United States Government; that he is ready 
to give security for the faithful performance of his contract in 
any required amount. 

That, being a large purchaser of the government, and known 
to the United States authorities, as dealing extensively with 
foreign nations, he proposes facilities of which you may avail 
yourself. 

That guaranteeing the ammunition under sufficient security 
and inspection in detail would be unnecessary; though he is 
willing that it should be done at the proper depot, and 

Finally, that, if purchased he will undertake to place it at a 
convenient depot, thus avoiding unnecessary handling and 
exposure. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 235 

Mr. Hitchcock desiros a personal interview with you, and 
would be pleased to eee you at his office, 48 Dey street, at any 
time between 12 m. and 3 p. m., or will call on you at any time 
designated. I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

J. W. BRYCE. 



XLVII 

Philadelphia, May 7, 1866. 
Colonel William R. Roberts. 

Dear Sir: — Will you permit me to call your attention to a 
letter just mailed by me to General Sweeny in reference to 
the two batteries offered by Harmer. 

If his new offer is now accepted while he has it in his power 
to carry it out it will be just as satisfactory as the other, but 
if more delay intervenes needlessly he may not be able to 
carry it through. Truly yours, 

JOHN M. ARUNDEL. 



XLVIII 

Bridesburg, Philadelphia, May 7, 1866. 
Major-General T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War. F. B. 

General: — I called on Mr. Harmer to-day at 1 p. m., but he 
was not prepared to allow me to inspect the guns, so I agreed 
with him to call at 4.30 p. m., which I have done and received 
the inclosed letter from Mr. Arundel. He says he has written 
to you by this mail stating full particulars. 

I saw Mr. Jenks this morning. He had an order from General 
A. B. Dyer, Chief of Ord., to Major Laidley, at Springfield 
Armory, for the rammers and I expect they will be here on 
Thursday. I am very respectfully your obedient servant, 

W. M. O'REILLY, 

Major of Ord., F. B. 



XLIX 

No. 28 South 4th Street, Philadelphia. 
May 7, 1866. 
General Sweeny, New York. 

Dear Sir: — Mr. Harmer desires me to say that upon his going 
last Saturday to submit the two batteries to Major O'Reilly's 
inspection, he was informed through the parties through whom 
he was getting them, that remonstrances against their sale 
from the State Militia organizations had just been received, 
which would prevent the proposed sale from being carried out; 
that if the matter had gone through as at first contemplated 
four weeks ago there would have been no difficulty, but that 



236 APPENDIX TO 

the delay had afforded the opportunity for the opposition 
just made. 

Notwithstanding this mischance, however, Mr. Harmer 
desires me to say that he will undertake to furnish within the 
time you require them, two batteries of Parrott guns, 10 and 
20 pounders, precisely similar in all respects to the others, 
everything complete with the exception of horses, subject to 
the most rigid inspection, and tx> be delivered in Philadelphia 
upon the same terms, fourteen thousand dollars, payable upon 
delivery, provided, however, that your order to him be fur- 
nished at once, and that at the time of giving the order you 
deposit in my hands $3,000 to be held by me until he has closed 
the matter as an indemnity to him in the event of your not, 
from unforseen circumstances, being able to take the guns 
off his hands after he has obtained such as will pass your 
inspection. 

If you see fit to give him the order and make the deposit he 
requires, I will hold it, of course, as much subject to your 
interest as to his, and will not pay it over to him until he 
has faithfully and to your satisfaction carried out his 
proposition. 

If you will send on the order and draft through Major 
O'Reilly, I will see that the matter is put in proper shape. 

Mr. Harmer desires that you allow him from the day he 
receives the order, fourteen days if possible, within which to 
deliver the batteries, although he thinks he can do it in 
ten days. Truly yours, 

JOHN M. ARUNDEL. 



Quebec, May 9, 1866, 4 P. M. 

General: — I have the honor to report that everything ia 
progressing rapidly in this district. 

We inaugurated the movement yesterday, and to-day I am 
hard at work swearing in members, etc. 

I have already about 50 volunteers and nearly 100 who are 
not volunteers, and before Sunday the number will be largely 
increased. 

The excitement is all over and the "loyal" inhabitants are 
no longer haunted in their dreams by visions of Fenian armies. 

To-night we are to have a secret meeting of the leading men, 
when business of importance will be transacted. 

There are about 1000 regulars in this garrison, including 
artillery. There is no cavalry, with the exception of a few 
volunteer companies. 

If the General should have any further orders for me, my 
address is P. Browne, Esq., Daily Murcury Office, Quebec, C. E. 

Anything addressed as above will reach me safely, and no 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 237 

danger of its being opened or delayed. I have the honor to 
remain, General, Your faithful servant, 

RICHARD SLATTERY. 

Major-General T. W. Sweeny. 

I have no fears for the safety of this letter. 



LI 
J. W. Fitzgerald, C. F. B. Detroit, Mich., May 9, 1866. 

Dear Friend: — According to instructions contained in your 
communication of the fifth, I proceeded to Windsor, opposite 
Detroit, where I gathered the following information, which I 
most respectfully submit: 

Stationed at Windsor, five companies of volunteers, aggre- 
gate probably three hundred (300) men for duty; in regard to 
their fighting qualities I know nothing, but are, I presume, 
something like we were when we first came out. There are 
at Windsor two (2) pieces of ordnance, almost worthless, which 
I ascertained from some of the volunteers. (The guns came 
from the Crimea.) As I went over in uniform, they were quite 
unreserved in their conversation. These are all of the forces 
that are now at Windsor. 

A good many of the men joined in order to see some excite- 
ment; caring very little for their country; some Irish amongst 
them. 

The facilities afforded for crossing at this place are very good. 
A small tug can take over men enough in an hour to capture 
the city and the companies there. 

The Grand Trunk Railroad has its terminus in Windsor, 
I believe. Store houses in abundance and plenty of rolling 
stock to supply an army of ten thousand (10,000) men with 
the necessary supplies. 

The feeling in Detroit is on the whole very good, and in my 
opinion many of the soldiers of the late army would rally to 
our standard, provided they saw a good start made. 

The United States forces are stationed as follows: Major- 
General Ord, commanding the Department of the Ohio, com- 
prising the following States, viz.: Indiana, Ohio and Michigan; 
headquarters at Detroit. At Fort Wayne, two miles from 
Detroit, two (2) companies of the 4th Infantry, Brevet Brig- 
adier-General Silas Casey, commanding. Detroit Barracks, 
one company, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel R. P. (D. B.'.') McKib- 
ben commanding. At Fort Gratiot, two (2) companies of the 
7th Infantry, Brevet Lieutenant-Colonel D. I. Montgomery, 
commanding. 

Any further information which may be required will be 
furnished on application. 

Very respectfully, 

HENRY P. FLYNN, 
"Clerk" Gen. Ord's Headquarters, Detroit. 
J. W. Fitzgerald, Esq., 
Centre, Cinn. Circle, F. B., or the proper person to receive this. 



238 APPENDIX TO 

LI I 

New York, May 13, 1866. 
Major-General T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War, F. B. 

General: — In obedience to your instructions I proceeded at 
once to Buffalo and as far as possible placed myself in corre- 
spondence with the parties named in said instructions. Mr. 
O'Day and Colonel Hoy had already opened negotiations with 
Messrs. Dole and Rice of the New York Central Railroad, and 
a few hours after my arrivel in Buffalo we had an interview 
with them, and after discussing the matter thoroughly, they 
decided they could not aid us directly, as they were rather 
peculiarly situated, but offered to lend us the use of tneir 
warehouses for the storage of our merchandise. We subse- 
quently visited two other parties with like result. At last, 
Mr. Frank Gallagher and myself visited another gentleman 
named John S. Mundabac, a large owner of canal boats, and 
he has agreed to furnish us with all the boats necessary and 
?lso a sufficient number of tugs to bring the expedition to its 
destination. 

I have this day received a dispatch from Mr. O'Day, telling 
me that the contract is drawn out in a legal manner by a 
lawyer in the following manner: That boats are chartered to 
go to Canada for cargoes of ashes, so that there will be no 
suspicion of their going over the river. None of our men 
appear in the business at all, so there can be no suspicion 
aroused by their being seen around the boats. We are to pay 
$25 per day for the use of the boats and the tugs are to be 
paid what they demand. I could not learn the price, but 
believe it will be moderate. The boats will be ready at our 
call. Our merchandise is to be packed securely in boxes and 
disguised as much as possible and marked to some fictitious 
party on Lake Superior. When our goods leave here a man is 
to proceed to Buffalo to claim and reship them. Mr. Mundabac 
will recognize him and then have the goods placed in a boat 
where they will remain until you are ready. I have now to 
inform you that the United States vessel Michigan is now 
lying in Buffalo harbor, it is said, watching our movements. 

While in Buffalo I met a man with whom you had corre- 
sponded through his brother. This man escaped from Canada 
to avoid arrest for being a Fenian; his name is Patrick Andrew. 
He had lived at the Welland Canal some ten years. I swore 
him to secrecy. He will remain in Buffalo till we move. He 
will go ahead of the expedition and cut the telegraph and then 
meet th<? advance and act as guide. There are 90 men in Mr. 
Andrew's circle sworn to fight. There is no force at all at the 
canal, but there is one 32-pounder in charge of some pensioners 
living at the place, but no guard is left over it. Plenty of 
spades and shovels are at the canal. There are only 60 or 70 
horses in the village, but plenty in the country around. There 
are at the following places volunteers as stated: 

Welland, 1 Company; Fort Colburn, 1; Port Robinson, 1; 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 239 

Allensburg, 1; Thurrill, 2; Slabtown, 1; St. Catherines, 5; 
Fonthill, 1; Junction, 1; Port Dalhousie, 1; making in all, 15 
companies, averaging 44 men each; making a total of 660 men 
now quietly residing at home unorganized. There are no regu- 
lars in those towns. The above towns are in the vicinity of 
the canal and extend over a space of 27 miles. Port Coitmrn 
is 18 miles from Buffalo and 8 from the canal. There are 
plenty ot horses at Colburn. Andrews states that the people 
there hate O'Mahony and are eager for our movement. He 
believes the Irish people will rise immediately at our approach. 
He thinks the T. V.'s will not fight. James McMullan, of St. 
Catherine's, is a prominent member and should be corre- 
sponded with immediately. 

The above are the results of my mission, and to my mind 
they are eminently successful. 

I desire to inform you that Messrs. O'Day and Gallagher 
and Colonels Hoy and Baily rendered great service, and I 
would have been powerless without them. All of which is 
respectfully sumbitted. 

A. L. MORRISON, Senator, P. B. 



LIII 

No. 28 South 4th Street, Philadelphia. 
May 10, 1866. 
Major-General Sweeny, Sec'y of War, F. B., New York. 

Dear Sir: — Colonel Mechan's letter to Major O'Reilly direct- 
ing an inspection of the guns and declining making a deposit 
has been communicated to Mr. Harmer, who states that before 
they can be obtained for inspection he has to lay out several 
thousand dollars, which he declines doing unless he has the 
assurance that a deposit will give him that he can be indemni- 
fied in case you do not take them and they will be thrown 
upon his hands, and that as the deposit is not to come to him 
in any sense until you are satisfied with an inspection of the 
guns, his request is a most reasonable one. 

Mr. Harmer is obliged to obtain the guns from Alfred Jenks 
& Son, who obtain them direct from the United States Govern- 
ment. Mr. Jenks is now in Washington and telegraphs to-day 
that he has obtained the orders necessary to get them, but 
before going further in the matter requires that Mr. Harmer 
ehall on Saturday morning at 12 o'clock make a deposit of 
several thousand dollars to insure the matter going through — 
agreeing to refund the deposit, however, should the guns not 
be as represented. Mr. Harmer is willing to comply with the 
terms of Mr. Jenks provided you indemnify him by the pro- 
posed deposit. 

If you choose to go on the guns can be inspected and ready 
for delivery in a few days at a price nearly fifty per cent, below 
the price paid by the government. 

Should you prefer it you can make the deposit with Alfred 



240 APPENDIX TO 

Jenks & Son directly, but they will require it to be $5,000 and 
to be made by Saturday morning. 

Truly yours, 

JOHN M. ARUNDEL. " 



LIV 

Bridesburg. Philadelphia, May 10, 1866. 
Major-General T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War, F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
Colonel Mechan's letter of the 9th inst., and in reply beg to 
submit the following statement: 

Through a friend here who is a member of the City Councils 
I have learned that to the best of his knowledge tuere have 
been no guns of this description condemned for sale by either 
the State or the city authorities. 

On receipt of Colonel Mechan's letter I called this morning 
at Mr. Arundel's office for the purpose of communicating to 
Mr. Harmer its contents. Mr. Arundel, who is acting for Mr. 
H., informs me that the payment of an instalment previous to 
inspection is the only condition on which the guns can be 
obtained. He writes you by this mail. 

The ramrods required to complete the balance of the muskets 
have arrived and the workmen began packing this morning. I 
am still without directions where to send them, having received 
no reply from Mr. Manix as yet. I will be able to ship the 
entire lot on Monday morning if I receive directions on the 
subject. I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. M. O'REILLY, 

Major of Odr., F. B. 



LV 

May 10, 1866. 
General Orders No. 3. 

Colonels of regiments will immediately cause to be packed 
all serviceable army equipments and war material preparatory 
to transportation to the points of rendezvous of their 
command. 

Colonels of regiments and commanders of detachments will 
immediately forward all war material to the points of rendez- 
vous, as follows: 

The troops from New York and New Jersey to Buffalo. 

The troops from Massachusetts, Rhode Island and Connecti- 
cut to Dunkirk. 

The troops from Pennsylvania to Erie. 

The troops from Indiana and Tennessee to Sandusky City. 
■J The troops from Ohio, Maryland, North Carolina and Vir- 
ginia to Cleveland. 

The troops from Kentucky and Missouri to Toledo. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 241 

The troops from Illinois to Chicago. 
The troops from Iowa and Wisconsin to Milwaukee. 
The troops from Michigan to Port Huron. 
The orders to move will be communicated by telegraph in a 
few days. 
By order of the Secretary of War. 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig.-Gen. and Adj. -Gen., F. B. 

A true copy. S. R. Tresilian. 



LVI 

Washington, D. C., May 16, 1866. 
Major-General T. W. Sweeny, Sec'y of War, F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to state that I have made a care- 
ful inspection of the batteries offered by Mr. Jenks and find 
them to be in every respect complete. One of them is a 10- 
pounder Parrott and the other a 3-inch wrought-iron rifle bat- 
tery. It is now necessary that the money be sent so that the 
work of boxing may be commenced immediately. The packing 
will be done at the arsenal, and I judge will cost about $500. 

I think it would be well for me to return to Philadelphia 
after the payment is made, and await their arrival there. 

I respectfully ask that you will send me some money to 
defray my expenses here. I inclose a receipt for $50, which I 
ihink will be sufficient. I am very respectfully, your obedient 
servant, W. M. O'REILLY, 

Major of Ord., F. B. 

P. S. — Colonel Benton asked if I would want ammunition, to 
which I replied no. If you have not make any contract as yet, 
I think it could be had very cheap. W. M. O'R. 



LVI I 

May 17, 1866. 

Colonel John O'Neill: — 

Upon receipt of this you will immediately move your com- 
mand, including all Tennessee troops, and report in Cincinnati, 
Ohio, to J. W. Fitzgerald (northeast corner of 5th street and 
Broadway) on the 25th inst., where you will receive full 
instructions. 

By order of the Secretary of War. 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig.-Gen. and Adjt.-Gen., F. B. 

Same to Major A. E. Alden. 

Same to Colonel Owen Starr, substituting "Kentucky" for 
"Tennessee." 

A true copy. S. R. Tresilian. 



24J APPENDIX TO 

LVIII 

May 17, 1866. 
Special Orders No. 58. 

Brigadier-General C. Carroll Tevis, Adj. -Gen., F B., will pro- 
ceed to Chicago, 111., for the purpose of organizing the division 
composed of the troops from Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Wiscon- 
sin, Missouri and Kansas. He will communicate to the dif- 
ferent commanding officers of districts and of regiments the 
instructions furnished him by the Secretary of War. 
By order of the Secretary of War. 

EUGENE J. COURTNEY, 
Major and Asst. Adj. -Gen., F. B. 
A true copy, S. R. Tresilian. 



LVIX 

Tremont House, Chicago, May 22. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

General: — I have only to report so far promises of assist- 
ance from the outside world. As yet I have not seen the 
steamers, but Goodrich has offered to transport at $10 a head; 
much, however, is hoped from the contributions of a number 
of wealthy Irishmen whom I am to meet to-morrow. Should 
they not come forward sufficiently well, it can be obtained 
from the Circles on your order to that effect, and General 
Lynch suggests that you forward an order to send on to this 
place the funds now on hand for transportation. Including the 
Kansas, Missouri, Wisconsin and Iowa men, there will be 
about 3,000 volunteers sail from here and Milwaukee — about 
1,500 to 2,000 muskets and accoutrements are needed, and, if 
they can be shipped at once, I shall be much more easy. 

I believe that it will be politic to assign Lynch to the 
command; much as I desire a command. I am afraid my 
appointment will not be regarded with satisfaction — however, 
in this, as in all things else, I am entirely at your command, 
but will be anxious until I receive full instructions. 

Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and A. G., F. B. 



LX 

May 22, 1866. 
Lt. Col. John Grace, Asst. Insp. Gen., F. B. 

Colonel:— I am directed by the Secretary of War to instruct 
you that on the arrival of the 13th Infantry, Col. John O'Neill, 
of Nashville, Tenn., and the 17th Infantry, Col. Owen Starr, 
of Louisville, Ky., and the New Orleans company, Capt. J. W. 
Dempsey, at Cincinnati, Ohio, you will forward them to Cleve- 
land, Ohio. Should existing circumstances render it unsafe 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 243 

or unwise to select this point, you will then send them to 
Buffalo, N. Y. Great secrecy and caution must be observed 
and you must keep this Department thoroughly posted as to 
the movements of the above troops. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

EUGENE J. COURTNEY, 

Maj. and A. A. G., F. B. 
A true copy. S. R. TRESILIAN. 



LXI 

Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Sec. of War, F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to claim the following ad- 
vantages for my pontoon-wagon over the ordinary pontoon 
boat train: 

1st. It can be used for the transportation of supplies and 
ammunition, thoroughly protecting them from all moisture. 

2nd. It can be used for hauling water to troops where it is 
not convenient, thereby dispensing with the tank and water 
barrel so often used in the late war. 

3rd. That it can be used as a boat, with oars, and will 
safely carry 12 men, average weight 180 lbs (2,160 lbs.), 
while each bed has a bouyancy of 4,500 lbs. 

4th. That 4 beds with the superstructure complete, will 
sustain a weight of 16,000 lbs., while that of a 10-pounder 
Napoleon, Parrott, James, smooth-bore, or a 12-pounder How- 
itzer does not exceed 9,600 lbs.; or a column of infantry by 
the flank in close order— 20 men at 180 lbs., 3,600 lbs. These 
results I have submitted to actual test in pounds, with the 
model, which is constructed on a scale of one inch to the 
foot. 

Lastly, that the saving in expense will be approximately as 
follows, for a bridge of 500 feet: 

500 feet, complete — including 100 wagons — at $65 per 
foot $32,500 

50 extra wagons for hauling, ropes, tools, anchorage, 
etc., etc., at $245 14,250 

$46,750 

36 boats, at $100 $3,600 

36 boat wagons, at $300 10,800 

216 horses, at $200 43,200 

216 sets harness, at $50 10.800 

500 feet superstructure, at $10 per foot 5,000 

Extra driver's forage, etc 38,800 

Total pontoon train $112,200 



244 APPENDIX TO 

Total pontoon train, which cannot be used for any- 
other purpose $112,200 

Wagon pontoon train, which can be used as above, 125 

wagons of which can be used for any purpose 46,750 



Balance in favor $bo,400 

All of which I respectfully submit. 

Your obedient servant, S. R. TRESILIAN. 



LXII 



May 22, 1866. 



Special Orders, No. 61. 

Brig. Gen. H. T. Lynch will immediately assume command 

of all troops that are to embark for the different points on 

the Lake Erie shore for Canada. He will superintend their 

embarkation and retain command until further orders from me. 

T. W. SWEENY, 
Secretary of War, F. B. 
A true copy. S. R. TRESILIAN. 



LXIII 

St Albans, Vt, May 23, 1866. 
Gen. T. W. Sweeny. 

General: — I am happy to inform you that you can ship any 
quantity of stores to this place, to Peter Ward; some marked 
"gas fixtures," and some marked "glass"; the ammunition 
you could send under that head. This is the best town on 
the line. 

If the property seized at Rouse's Point remains there until 
we require it, I can get it at any time; or if it is sent to Platts- 
burg, I can get it with less trouble. I hope you will not let 
that sad occurrence interfere with your programme. 

There are two piecea of artillery in this town that I can get 
at a moment's warning. They are all complete, except harness. 
These articles are in the charge of Mr. Ward, the man whom I 
have selected to receive the stores. 

I saw a man from Prescott yesterday. He says that there were 
three companies drilling there, and to the best of his know- 
ledge there were four hundred men there altogether. There 
has been nothing done at any other point to this date. 

You can ship a great amount of stores to this place, but if 
you possibly .nn, hire the cars, so that it can come through 
without shifting it. The Custom House officers on this line are 
all British spies and in the pay of both Governments. 

I do not think this place any too safe. Arrange it so that you 
can soon follow the goods. 

I will go to Rouse's Point this afternoon; I wish to keep 
those goods in sight. Thence I will go to Malone, where I 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 24$ 

expect a letter from you. If you decide to send stores to 
Chautauqua, you can ship them to James Mahony. He is the 
Centre of the Circle and a prominent merchant. 

St. Albans is the best place to send machinery. Stuff that 
can be marked otherwise can be sent to any other place 

I would also state that Mr. Ward is superintendent of a gas 
works that has lately been burned down, and he is rebuilding 
it. He is receiving a great quantity of material every day. 

I will write again to-morrow morning. 

I am, General, your obedient servant, 

JOHN FALLON. 

P. S.— Mr. Ward is Secretary of a Circle. I have seen the 
Centre, Mr. Reilly, also; he is a good man. J. F. 



LXIV 

Headquarters F. B., May 26, 1866. 

Brig. Gen. S. P. Spear, F. B. 

Sir: — You will proceed to St. Albans, Franklin county, Ver- 
mont, and take command of all troops ordered to that part 
of the frontier lying between Ogdensburg, N. Y., and the 
sources of the Connecticut River. You will superintend the 
forwarding of said troops and supplies into Canada as rapidly 
as possible. 

This force will be called the Right Wing of the Army of 
Ireland, and will consist of the follawing regiments and bat- 
talions, viz: 

1st, 2nd, 3rd. 4th and 5th Cavalry; 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, 5th, 7th, 
8th, 9th, 10th, 14th, 15th, 20th, 22nd, 23rd, 25th and 26th In- 
fantry. These troops will be organized as soon as circum- 
stances will permit into one or more divisions, the divisions 
formed into brigades and the artillery into a battalion. 

The cavalry arm will be under the command of Brig. Gen. 
M. C. Murphy, and will be thrown forward in advance of 
the infantry on both sides of the St. Johns (or Richelieu) 
River and cut off or capture, if possible, the garrisons at Forts 
Chambley and St. Johns, and threaten Montreal by the Vic- 
toria Bridge. Should an opportunity offer, they will take pos- 
session of the bridge and hold it until the infantry and 
artillery arrive. Should the enemy move out of the latter 
place in force, the cavalry will fall back, destroying the 
bridges as they retire and throwing every obstacle they can 
in the enemy's way. A portion of the cavalry will be sent 
along the Grand Trunk R. R. in the direction of Quebec, and 
seize on Fort Levi, if not too strongly garrisoned. Should the 
enemy move across the river and press them, they will 
fall back towards Richmond, destroying the bridges, etc., and 
giving timely notice of the enemy's advance. 

The cavalry will also collect supplies for the army, such 
as horses, forage, beef cattle, etc., giving receipts for the same. 

In case the enemy should attempt to concentrate from Que- 



246 APPENDIX TO 

bee and Montreal, you will draw in your forces between the 
St. Johns and the St. Francis Rivers and hold that country 
at all hazards. 

You will ma,ke Sherbrook your Headquarters and place 
strong garrisons at Forts Chambley and St. Johns and a small 
force at St. Hilaire; also a strong garrison at Richmond, and 
small forces at different points along the lines of both rivers, 
taking good care to keep your communication open, etc. In 
case the commander of the cavalry should find it necessary 
to apply for a reinforcement of the other arm, euch reinforce- 
ments will be sent to him by you. 



LXV 

Malone, N. Y., May 27, 1866. 
Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Secretary of War, F. B. 

General: — I have received your letter of May 24, this morn- 
ing, and I must say that it makes me feel better. 

I have given the bill of sale to Mr. Mannix. He understands 
his instructions and will work with a will. 

Mr. Brown has not arrived as yet, but I will look for him 
to-morrow. 

I need not tell you that I will do everything in my power 
to make everything safe here. I will go to Potsdam to-morrow 
for the purpose of complying with your instructions. 

I was to the barracks at Plattsburg yesterday. There are 
two companies of the 4th U. S. Infantry there, under command 
of First Lieut. Miller. They have no orders that will interfere 
with us. There are some Fenians among them, and some old 
soldiers who are as true as steel. If anything turns up I will 
hear it at Malone. 

I have talked with two deserters from the 21st Regiment, 
deserters say that there are 400 Irishmen, if not more, in those 
regiments, and that during the last two months they would 
not be allowed to do any but duty outside of the barracks, but 
the other soldiers complained so much that they were lately 
ordered to perform the same duty as the other soldiers. From 
what these two men told me, their officers could not trust them. 

You must not depend on many men to fall into our ranks at 
this place; the cause has been neglected very much along the 
line. The Americans are all alive and will assist liberally 
when they see something taking place. 

Nothing new has turned up on the other side of the line as 
yet; I will hear it if anything takes place. 

We will do all that we can in a quiet way to get those 
muskets; if we do not get them, we can take them when the 
time comes. 

If you should want a guide, there is a man here, a member 
of this Circle, whom I could recommend for that duty. He 
knows the whole country. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 247 

I am aware ihat my duty at this particular time is difficult 
to perform. I will do all in my power to have things right. 

As far as the sentiment of the people is concerned, the most 
of them are with us. 

I will write you again from Potsdam. 
I am, General, your obedient servant, 

JOHN FALLON, 

Captain, F. B. 



LXVI 

War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, 30th May, 1866. 

Special Order, No. 64. 

Brig. Gen. Samuel P. Spear will proceed immediately to 
St. Albans, Vt., to superintend the crossing of troops and 
supplies that may arrive at that point; and as soon as they 
have crossed the frontier, to organize them into a division, to 
be known as the Right Wing of the Army of Ireland, of which 
he will take command until further orders. 

He will organize, on the Canadian side of the frontier, depots 
of supplies, which he will have properly guarded. 

Col. John Mechan, Chief of Engineers, will report to him 
for duty. 



LXVII 

War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, 30th May, 1866. 

Special Orders, No. 65. 

Brig. Gen. Michael C. Murphy will proceed immediately to 
Malone, N. Y., to superintend the crossing of troops and 
supplies which may arrive along that line. He will, as soon 
as practicable after crossing the frontier, organize the cavalry 
brigade, to be composed of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th 
Regiments of Cavalry, and carry out instructions inclosed here- 
with. 

The cavalry brigade will be attached to the division under 
command of Brig. Gen. S. P. Spear, from whom he will receive 
further orders and instructions that any exigency may render 
necessary. 



248 APPENDIX TO 

LXVIII 

War Department, F. B., 
Adjutant General's Office, 
New York, 31st May, 1866. 
Brig. Gen. M. C. Murphy, Malone N. Y. 

General: — I am instructed by Gen. T. W. Sweeny to direct 
you to move everything in the way of supplies over the border 
as soon as sufficient men arrive to protect them. You will es- 
tablish depots, at safe and convenient points, and have them 
well guarded. 

Hereafter, you will resist the seizure of any property of ours 
except the party or parties seizing show an United States 
warrant. Pay no attention to State or Sheriffs' writs, but do 
not come in contact with the United States authorities. 
To Spear and Murphy. 



LXIX 

May 31, 1866. 
Wm. J. Hynes, Esq., Buffalo, N. Y. 

Sir: — I am directed by General Sweeny to inform you that 
Brig. Gen. W. F. Lynch, I. A., has been appointed to the 
command of all troops on Lake Erie, and has been ordered to 
report in Buffalo immediately. 

You will furnish him with a copy of the instructions issued 
by the Secretary of War for the guidance of that portion of 
the Irish Army. 
Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

C. CARROLL TEVIS, 
Brig. Gen. and Adj. Gen., F. B. 
A true copy. S. R. TRESILIAN. 



LXX 

Troy, N. Y., May 31, 1866. 
Maj. Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Secretary of War, F. B. 

General: — I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of 
two letters from Captain Greany, of the 30th inst. The arms 
referred to in one of his letters are the Harpers Ferry rifle, 
calibre .54. I don't know how many there are, exactly, but 
will find out and ship them to-morrow morning to Malone. 
There has been no ammunition received for them yet. All 
the boxes are in a fearful condition and will have to be 
re-packed. I have had men working on them all day. 

I have succeeded in chartering two cars for Malone and 
Potsdam Junction, which leave to-morrow at 12 o'clock m. 

The cartridges were received from New York this morning, 
and will be shipped to-morrow. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 240 

I do not anticipate further trouble about getting ears, and 
will push the work as rapidly as possible. 

I inclose a communication from Captain Bryce, whom I met 
this morning on the street. 
I am very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

W. M. O'REILLY, 

Maj. of Ord., F. B. 



LXXI 

Troy, N. Y., May 31, 1866. 
General T. W. Sweeny, Secretary of War, F. B. 

General: — Major O'Reilly and I did not meet until this 
morning. I believe he found everything progressing favorably. 
I was able to make satisfactory arrangements with the ammu- 
nition, and two carloads will go forward without delay to 
Potsdam Junction. Mr. Lawrence, who has it stored, has acted 
very friendly. He informed me that some inquiry has been 
made at the Arsenal as to when the balance will be taken, 
and 1 take the liberry to suggest that it may be well to uave it 
all in his magazine, where it is safe, and can be shipped 
quietly. Should you determine to take the other million at 
once, it might be better to have Hitchcock send his order to 
Lawrence, who will receive it, and you can let an officer go 
with him to pay for it — thus save unnecessary fuss. 

I am at your orders. 

Respectfully your obedient servant, 

J. W. BRYCE. 
General Sweeny, Secretary of War. F. B. 

Favor of Major O'Reilly. 



LXXII 

Potsdam Junction, June 1, 1866. 

General: — I received your letter of the 29th this morning. 
My reason in not answering yours of the 24th is that I expected 
some news from that property at Rouse's Point. Mr. Mannix 
has advertised the sale of the arms and made application for 
them. I have not heard from him lately — that is, within a 
day or two. We can get them, no matter where they put them, 
if the men were only here to use them. Mr. Byrne, from 
Syracuse, N. Y., was here. I received a large case from him 
which I have to take care of. Mr. Murphy, from Washington, 
two men from Newark, N. J., and one from Rochester, N. Y., 
are here. Their property has not arrived yet. I have 40 
teams at three different points: Potsdam Junction, Malone 
and Chatogue; all of the right kind. I wish you would follow 
up the property as close as you can. 

I have received most reliable information from Canada, 
that you have someone at your Headquarters who gives them 



250 APPENDIX TO 

all the information they require. In my opinion there is 
nothing in your way here. 

I would like to see the required amount of property here. 
Address me, "Potsdam Junction, St. Lawrence county, N. Y." 

I will write you again to-morrow. 

I am, General, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

JOHN FALLON. 



LXXIII 

St. Albans, Vt., June 2, 1866. 
Gen. T. W. Sweeny, Secretary of War, F. B. 

Sir: — In accordance with my instructions of the 29th and 
30th ult., I started at once for this point, and arrived here 
on the night of the 31st and found Col. Brown at his post, 
doing everything in his power, but greatly crippled; arms, 
ammunition, etc., had been seized by an officer of the 14th 
U. S. Infantry, and next dav the IT. S. Marshal arrived with 
three companies of the 3rd U. S. Artillery and are stationed 
at the depot, where everything was seized at once. 

Colonel Brown has buried near here about 300 arms of 
different calibres. We have no ammunition, not one round per 
man, and none can be purchased here. 

Colonels Barnum, Rice, Contri, also small detachments from 
Boston, Springfield, etc., in all about 400 men, are here without 
supplies, commissary stores or anything but good comfortable 
clothing. Most of the men are without money or means. 

Order so far prevails, but the men are getting uneasy. 

If I had a few boxes of ammunition 1 could move to the 
nearest point, 15 miles, and cross; but without ammunition 
it would be destructive to the cause and the loss of good men. 

I send this by Major Lyons, who will more fully explain all. 
Please send me instructions what to ao. 

Ammunition is the principal want." 

I send a clipping from last evening's paper, which is correct 
relative to the conference with the committee of citizens who 
called on me. 

Everything will be done to intercept the trains and prevent 
further loss. 

With high respect, your obedient servant, 

SAML. P. SPEAR, 
Brig. Gen. Com'dg Div. 

P. S. — I move at once with what men I have, and will beg, 
borrow or take such ammunition as can be found, avoiding 
the U. S. troops as much as possible. S. P. S. 

I move through Fairfield to Slab City, and endeavor to cut 
the Trunk R. R. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 251 

LXXIV 

Headquarters R. W. A. of I., Canada East, June 7, 1866. 

6 o'clock p. m. 
Maj. Gen. Sweeny. 

Sir: — Yours of this date was received by me per Captain 
Greany at this moment. After your arrest, the same authority 
attempted to arrest me three times, but I evaded the same, 
•and having your written instructions in my possession, I en- 
deavored fully to carry them out to the letter and to convey to 
each and every officer and member of the organization the 
.spirit of your orders, which were fully published to all. Ac- 
cordingly, I left S. Albans at 3 o'clock, a. m., this day, joined 
my command at Franklin at 8:30 o'clock, where I found Gen- 
eral Mahon at his post, doing everything possible for an 
officer to do to keep the command in order, which, under 
existing circumstances, he most admirably accomplished. The 
rations had not arrived — the men hungry, and most of them 
begging to go to the destination promised them — Canada. I — 
acting under my orders, marched them cheering over the 
border — raised the Green Flag and took a strong position. 
The cry was still — hunger. I had but one alternative — foraging 
parties were sent out, and plenty of meat obtained. I mounted 
trom ten to twelve men at once — sent my engineer officer to 
select a better position — and in short, General Mahon, as well 
as every officer, deserves my commendations for the zeal and 
energy with which they fully carried out the instructions pub- 
lished to them. 

I have on hand: 

Plenty meat — very little breadstuff. 
250 Springfield muskets. 
13,000 Springfield musket cartridges. 
300 carbines (no ammunition). 
And, in all, not to exceed 1,000 men. 

Many have gone home, but those remaining are anxious to 
advance. 

I have expended, in every case, the funds intrusted to my 
charge to the best advantage, and have now left on hand the 
sum of $20.15. 

I entered Canada at 10 o'clock a. m., and to remove to-night 
would be more destructive than to remain in my present posi- 
tion till morning. 

I have fully explained to the Commanding General the dispo- 
sition of his orders, and my present position; and would 
urgently request a return communication by a special mes- 
senger which will reach me before daylight to-morrow. 

With high respect, your obedient servant, 

S. P. SPEAR, 
Brig. Gen. Com'd'g, R. W., f. R. A. 



j;j MM'KXDIX TO 

I. XXV 

Headquarters Right Wing I. R. A.. Canada East, June 8, 1866, 

10:30 a. m. 
Col. John Mechan, C. E., I. R A. 

Sir: — Yours of midnight last has been received from Colonel 
Brown. I have the honor to report that from the time of crossing 
the border to the present, I have been very busily engaged, 
with the valuable assistance of Major Tresillian, to ascertain 
and picket, all important points. I find many patriotic Irish- 
men here, in easy circumstances, mostly farmers, who give 
me all the information in their power; they even loan me 
horses, and the first one I received was tendered to me by one 
of this class; this gave me new life. I sent him home to tell 
others, and now I can get all the information I desire from this 
true class of friends to our cause. They all say: "Advance 
to beyond our homes and we will join yon." 

Last night I sent to Captain O'Hara, 3rd Infantry, with a 
small party to reconnoiter Frelighsburg (or Slabtown), where 
I was informed there was 100 cavalrv, partly regulars (red 
coats), on picket. Captain O'Hara returned, and in a most 
soldier-like manner made the following report, viz: 

"General: — Your orders have been obeyed. I advanced cau- 
tiously toAvard Frelighsburg, surprised the pickets, made a 
dash, and the result, Sir, is, I completely routed the enemy, 
and drove him helter skelter in every direction, killing 3 of 
his horses and wounding many of his best men. I mean, Sir, 
by his 'best' men, the only ones who stood. One was so badly 
wounded that he could not be moved, and I obtained a doctor 
and left him in the hands of friendly citizens; and here, 
General, is the first British flag captured by the Right Wing, 
and I respectfully request to raise it with the Green above 
in front of your Headquarters." 

I complied with this request and publicly complimented him 
for this brave and gallant affair. I cordially recommend him 
for promotion, as such acts will encourage others and warrant 
our success. 

Frelighsburg is now in my hands; also Pidgeon Hill, St. 
Armand and other valuable points (see map). I have twelve 
men mounted and hope to have, by "Retreat," twelve more. 
My commissary stores arrived; were issued, also fresh beef. 
Give me men, arms and ammunition and I will subsist my 
command sumptuously off the country. I shall require no 
more stores from the contractor at St. Albans, and all I have 
received have been paid for, and all of the receipts in my pos- 
session. 

I earnestly request that a small detachment of orderlies 
(couriers) be organized in St. Albans and mounted by Mr. 
Fuller (livery stable men to act as despatch bearers, sending 
one at a time as occasion may require, in order that I may 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 253 

report twice per day to the Commanding General, and that 
this may be kept up till I can supply the horses. A sergeant 
and 6 men will be adequate.) 

Hurry up those arms. Send some energetic officer with 
a guard to stay with them till they reach their destination, and 
don't let them delay en route. 

I send by Colonel Brown the flag and staff. The standard 
bearer is "non est." 

Be sure to send men that will remain with the wagons 
containing arms, etc. 

As soon as my reconnoitering and foraging parties arrive I 
will send another despatch. 

I feel in most excellent spirits, and if I can hold my own 
until the 500 muskets and 100,000 rounds arrive, I shall have 
no doubts of success. 

The men are in excellent spirits, but the fact of the Canada 
militia being ordered out makes some uneasy. 

I have no carbine ammunition. Has Mr. Wheeler returned? 
If so, send it at once. Mr. Ovitt furnishes heavy wagons the 
cheapest. 

I have received the $500, which shall be most prudently 
used; and pay no hauling bills until I certify to the receipt 
of their load. 

Officers behave excellently, with but two exceptions; I can 
attend to their cases in person. 

I am, Sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant, 

S. P. SPEAR, 
Brig. Gen. Com'd'g Right Wing, I. R. A. 

P. S. — Scout just returned; 400 volunteers arrived at Smith's 
Corner at 8 a. m. this morning. S. P. S. 



LXXV1 
Copy of Telegrams 



Our men isolated. Enemy marching in force from Toronto. 
What shall we do? When do you move? 

Answer — Reinforce O'Neill at all hazards; if he cannot hold 
his position, let him fall back — send him and his men to 
Malone as rapidly as possible by the Rome and Watertown 
roads. 

[Indorsed by Gen. Sweeny — "Hynes' dispatch and order of 
1st of June."] 



254 APPENDIX TO 

LXXVII 

Headquarters, St. Albans, Vt, June 8, 1866, 11:30 p. m. 
Brig. Gen. S. P. Spear, Commanding Right Wing, Army of Ire- 
land. 
General: — Your communication of 10:30 this forenoon is 
received. The General desires me to congratulate you on the 
success of the affair at Frelighsburg last night, and the cap- 
ture of a stand of colors from the enemy on the occasion. 
Captain O'Hara is hereby promoted to be brevet major for his 
gallant conduct, and you will tender to him and the men 
of his command, the thanks of the General Commanding. 
By order of General Sweeny. JOHN MECHAN, 

Chief Engineer, F. B. 






DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 255 

LXXVIII 

OFFICIAL REPORT OF GENERAL T. W. SWEENY, SEC- 
RETARY OF WAR. 

Headquarters, War Department, F. B., 
September, 1866. 
Col. W. R. Roberts, President of tbe F. B. 

Sir: I have the honor to submit my report of operations 
prior to and during the campaign on the Canadian frontier, 
as directed by me. 

Soon after the adjournment of the Philadelphia Congress, 
in October, 1865, I turned my attention to the military organ- 
ization of the Brotherhood, and the procurement of munitions 
of war, which, owing to the obstacles placed in my way by 
the Stephens-O'Mahony wing, were greatly, if not entirely 
retarded, up to the time of the Pittsburg Congress in February 
last. 

At that Congress I submitted my plan of campaign and the 
estimates necessary for its furtherance and accomplishment 
to that body, which were to the following effect, viz: 

1st. That the minimum force with which I would consent 
to invade Canada should be 10,000 men. 

2d. Three (3) batteries of artillery. 

3rd. Each man should be furnished with 200 rounds of am- 
munition. 

4th. Each gun should be furnished with 500 rounds of fixed 
ammunition. 

And furthermore, that this personnel and material be fur- 
nished in time for me to cross into Canada during that season 
when the lakes and rivers are bridged with ice. Otherwise, 
double that force would be necessary. 

The estimates submitted at that time to purchase the nec- 
essary munitions and equipments were four hundred and fifty 
thousand dollars ($450,000.) 

I found it necessary to alter the plan submitted to the Con- 
vention, in its general detail, for obvious reasons — which will 
appear more fully in this report — from that which was pro- 
posed on that occasion. 

Having received my final instructions, I returned to New 
York City, arriving on the 25th of February. I immediately 
appointed through the Adjutant General's office field and com- 
pany officers in the various States. I also Continued to make 
the necessary purchases of arms and munitions of war, as 
means were furnished, but, from want of funds promised, the 
quantity which I was enabled to procure was wholly inade- 
quate to insure the success of the expedition. 

On the 16th of April I appeared before the Senate, when a 
resolution was passed urging me to immediate action; every 



256 APPENDIX TO 

member voting in the affirmative. Taking this action into 
consideration with the reckless pressure brought to bear upon 
me by the several Circles to hasten me into premature action, 
and the assurances of almost the entire organization that unless 
I took the field at once, the dissolution of the Brotherhood 
would be inevitable, I reluctantly yielded, preferring the 
chances of an honorable failure in the field, to the disintegra- 
tion of the organization, which would have entailed on this 
section of the F. B. the odious reputation which has attached 
itself to the Stephens-O'Mahony officials. 

The funds placed at my disposal were hardly one-fourth the 
amount promised me, and enabled me to procure not over 
10,000 stand of all arms, and two and a half million (2,500,000) 
ball cartridges. As to artillery, I had none whatever; but 
trusted to the gallantry of my soldiers to capture it, or to the 
patriotism of the Irish people to send it to the front when 
the blow was struck. 

On the 1st day of May, I ordered Capt. J. W. Dempsey, of 
the New Orleans contingent, to move to Cincinnati, Ohio, 
and report to Lieut. Col. Grace, Asst. Inspector General. 

On the 9th I instructed Capt. John Scanlan in a method of 
telegraphing me the available transportation in Chicago. 

On the 10th, I issued General Orders No. 3, directing colonels 
of regiments to pack all regimental and company property 
preparatory to transportation, and forwarded copies to Generals 
of Departments for transmittal to their respective commands. 

I directed Col. John O'Neill, of Tennessee, and Col. Owen 
Starr, of Kentucky, to forward as freight, arms and munitions 
of war to Sandusky City, Ohio, in charge of the regimental 
quartermaster and the quartermaster sergeants from their 
respective regiments. These instructions were the first issued; 
the troops being the most remote from the border. On the 
same date I directed Brig. Gen. W. F. Lynch, commanding De- 
partment of Illinois and Iowa, and Brig. Gen. A. G. Malloy, 
commanding Department of Wisconsin and Michigan, to select 
points of rendezvous to which their respective commands 
should forward their arms and munitions of war; to be guided 
in their selection by the amount of transportation which could 
be obtained to cross the Lakes, and report the points selected 
to my Headquarters. 

From General Lynch I received a telegram designating 
Chicago; from General Malloy I received no report, and after- 
wards learned that he had retired from the organization 
without any notification, accepting the position of second lieu- 
tenant in the U. S. Army. 

On the 12th I received a telegram from Senator Morrison, 
stating that "thirty canal boats and five steam tugs were 
secured at Buffalo"; and on the 13th received his report as 
a member of the Committee on Transportation, stating that all 
necessary transportation at that point was procured, with other 
valuable information. 

On the 14th, having received information that some of our 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 257 

arms were seized, I directed Colonel Doyle, of Oswego, N. Y., 
to inform me where arms could be stored with security, on the 
line between Oswego and Rouses Point. 

On the 16th I directed Mr. Keating, of Franklin, Pa. (?), to 
store the arms of the district at Erie, Pa. 

On the 17th I ordered Colonel O'Neill and Major Alden, of 
West Tennessee, and Colonel Owen Starr, of Kentucky, to 
move on Cincinnati, Ohio, and report to Senator Fitzgerald 
for full instructions. 

Having been informed by Senator Scanlan that the neces- 
sary transportation for the Western contingent would be fur- 
nished at Chicago and Milwaukee, provided I sent one of my 
staff officers to tnat Department, I immediately issued Special 
Order No. 58, ordering my adjutant general, Brig. Gen. C. C. 
Tevis, to proceed to Chicago and organize a division, to be 
composed of the troops from Illinois, Iowa, Michigan, Wiscon- 
sin, Missouri and Kansas, to be designated as the Left Wing 
of the Army of Ireland. 

On the 18th I instructed General Tevis to make no move- 
ment until after the 25th, as the Queen's birthday fell on the 
24th and all the troops in Canada would be paraded on that 
day, and should the British authorities get an inkling that our 
forces were in motion, the result would be plain. On the 
same date I communicated with Colonels O'Neill and Starr 
and Major Alden to the same effect. 

On the 21st I received a communication from Mr. Thomas 
Lavan, of Cleveland, Ohio, that we could get all the transporta- 
tion we needed for from four thousand to five thousand men 
at that point. On the receipt of this information I immediately 
issued Special Order No. 61, dated May 22nd, assigning Brig. 
Gen. Lynch to the command of all the troops that were to 
embark from the Lake Erie shore, to superintend the em- 
barcation. and to retain command until further orders. Also 
a letter of instructions, directing him to make Cleveland, Ohio, 
his Headquarters, and designating Buffalo, Dunkirk, Erie, 
Cleveland, Sandusky City and Toledo as the points where 
the troops would be concentrated, and cautioning him to act 
with great discretion, as some of our arms had been seized at 
Erie, and desiring him to act in conjunction with Brig. Gen. 
Tevis, who would give him all the information required and 
furnish him with a copy of instructions given by me, so the 
attack would be simultaneous. On the same date I issued 
orders to colonels of regiments to forward immediately such 
regimental and company property as the men could not carry 
with them in the passenger cars, in charge of the regimental 
quartermaster and the quartermaster sergeant, to the following 
points, viz: 

1st. The Louisiana, Tennessee. Kentucky, Ohio and Indiana 
troops to Cleveland, Ohio; Erie, Pa.; Sandusky City and Toledo, 
Ohio. 

2nd. The Western Pennsylvania and the Western New York 
troops to Buffalo. 



258 APPENDIX TO 

3rd. The Illinois, Missouri, Kansas, Wisconsin, Iowa and 
Michigan troops to Chicago and Milwaukee, Wisconsin. 

4th. The New York, New Jersey, Virginia, Maryland, Dela- 
ware and District of Columbia troops to Potsdam Junction and 
Malone. N. Y. 

5th. The New England troops to St. Albans, Vermont. 

That the orders to move would be issued by telegraph, in 
the following words: "You may commence working"; and 
would be signed, "S. W. T."; that they should proceed by the 
nearest railway routes to the points of rendezvous above 
designated. 

On the same date I directed Colonel Grace, on the arrival of 
the Kentucky, Tennessee and New Orleans troops, to forward 
them immediately to Cleveland, Ohio, to report to General 
Lynch; but should circumstances render it unsafe, to change 
the point of destination to Buffalo. I also, on this date, 
directed T. Barnett, Esq., to forward arms at Dunkirk, N. Y., 
to Buffalo. 

On the 25th I ordered Capt. W. J. Hynes, of my staff, to 
proceed to Buffalo and superintend the movement there as my 
representative until the arrival of General Lynch or some other 
general officer, giving him copies of instructions for the 
guidance of that portion of the army and of the Western con- 
tingent. 

On the 26th 1 assigned Brig. Gen. S. P. Spear to tne command 
of all troops on that part of the frontier lying between 
Ogdensburg, N. Y., and the source of the Connecticut River, 
with full instructions. 

On the 30th I issued Special Orders No. 64, ordering Brig. 
Gen. S. P. Spear to proceed to St. Albans, Franklin county, 
Vermont, to take command and forward the troops as speedily 
as possible across the frontier into Canada. 

On the same date I issued Special Orders No. 65, directing 
Brig. Gen. M. C. Murphy to proceed to Malone and to take 
command of and organize the Cavalry Brigade, to be composed 
of the 1st, 2nd, 3rd, 4th and 5th Regiments, and to carry out 
instructions of the same date. His command to be attached to 
General Spear's division, from whom he would receive further 
orders. 

On this date I issued full instructions to all officers connected 
with I. R. A. 

On the 31st I informed Captain Hynes that Brig. Gen. Lynch 
was ordered to move his Headquarters from Cleveland, Ohio, to 
Buffalo, N. Y. ; directing him to turn over to General Lynch 
his instructions, etc. On the same date full instructions were 
forwarded to General Lynch. 

For copies of all of the above named orders, you are respect- 
fully referred to the annexed file. 

Orders having been issued for a general movement on the 
31st of May, Brig. Gen. C. C. Tevis commanding the left wing. 
Brig. Gen. W. F. Lynch the center, and Brig. Gen. S. P. Spear 
the right wing of the army. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 259 

The following plan was designated to be carried into effect: 
A descent from the Lakes simultaneous with the crossing 
of the undefined boundary on the line of the St. Lawrence. 
A column of 3,000 men were to move from Chicago and Mil- 
waukee (24 hoars in advance of the movement of Lake Erie), 
by Lakes Michigan and Huron, seize and advance directly on 
London by Stratford. This difference in time was given so 
that the other columns could cross Lake Erie; one concen- 
trating at Port Stanley and moving on London, the other 
concentrating at Port Colbourne, seizing Paris, Guelph and 
Hamilton. This would compel the enemy to concentrate his 
forces about the meridian of Toronto, uncovering Montreal. 
So soon as this was accomplished, our auxiliaries in Canada 
were organized and prepared to destroy St. Ann's Bridge, at 
the junction of the Ottawa and St. Lawrence Rivers, on the 
Grand Trunk Railroad and the Beauharnois Canal. This would 
effectually cut off all communication between Upper and 
Lower Canada. To distract the attention of the enemy while 
this movement was being made, knowing that wherever I 
was he would consider tue main point of attack, I was adver- 
tised in Erie and in Buffalo and other points along the frontier, 
the main points of thr attack being along the line of the St. 
Lawrence. In order to more fully carry out this design, I 
massed troops at Potsdam Junction and at Malone; threatening 
Cornwa r and Prescott, which had the desired effect. The suc- 
cess of this movement being o* vital importance, Brig. Gen. 
Murphy, commanding the cavalry, was ordered to move on both 
sides cf the Richeleau River and seize the garrisons of Isle aux 
Nois, St. Johns and Fort Chambley, or cut them off; occupy 
La Prairie and threaten Montreal by the Victoria Bridge, hold- 
ing it if possible until the infantry came up; if forced to retire, 
they would fall back, destroying the bridge and placing all 
possible obstacles in the way of the enemy. 

Simultaneously with this movement a detachment of cavalry 
was to be sent forward along the line of the Grand Trunk 
Railroad in the direction of Quebec, seizing Point Levi, if not 
too strongly garrisoned. Should the enemy move across the 
river in force, they were to fall back on Richmond, destroying 
the bridges and giving timely notice of the enemy's movements 
and holding that point. Should the enemy attempt to con- 
centrate his force from Montreal and Quebec, the forces were 
to be drawn in between the Richelieu and the St. Francis 
Rivers and that country held at all hazards, making Sher- 
brooke the Headquarters. This position can be seen at a 
glance to be one of the strongest in Canada for defense. 

The foregoing plan of campaign would undoubtedly have 
been successful, were it not for the following circumstances. 

The staff officer, Brig. Gen. C. C. Tevis, whom I ordered to 
Chicago, reported that no transportation could be procured at 
that point, and that one-half of the column I had assurance 
of could not be mustered. 

Brig. Gen. Lynch did not, in accordance with orders, estab- 



2 6o APPENDIX TO 

lish his Headquarters at Cleveland, Ohio, and superintend the 
movement on Lake Erie. I was then compelled to throw 
Colonel (Brig. Gen.) John O'Neill's men across at the only 
point where I could procure transportation, Buffalo. 

Receiving the following dispatch from Captain Hynes, dated 
9:10 P. M., June 1st, 1866: "Our men isolated. Enemy march- 
ing in force from Toronto. What shall we do? When do you 
move?" I sent the following answer: 

"Reinforce O'Neill at all hazards; if he cannot hold his 
position let him fall back; send him and his men to Malone 
as rapidly as possible by the Rome and Watertown roads." 

Having found it impossible to reinforce him from lack of 
transportation — sufficient in the first place having been pro- 
cured for the transportation of only 600 troops — and from the 
extreme vigilance of the steamer "Michigan," General O'Neill 
being compelled to retire after gallantly fighting the battle of 
Ridgway — he and his whole command being seized by the 
IT. S. authorities — I immediately dispatched orders to the 
officer in command at Detroit to move with what force he 
could muster from Port Hudson on Sarnia. By that movement 
we would have drawn the enemy's attention in that direction, 
as he would have considered it the advance of the Western 
contingent. This was not executed. Whether from lack of 
transportation or disobedience of orders I know not; I have 
since been led to believe it was the latter. 

Thus it will be seen that the campaign opened under the 
most discouraging circumstances; nor did the prospect brighten 
when I arrived at Potsdam, Malone and St. Albans. This was 
the most important division of the army, that with which I 
intended to occupy Montreal and Lower Canada. I here 
ordered seventeen regiments of infantry and five of cavalry 
(the average number of men in each regiment according to the 
latest report, was 800. This would give me a force of 16,800 
men, but I calculated that not more than 8,000 would arrive 
in time to take part in the first movement). I gave ample 
time for these regiments to arrive on the 2nd of June in order 
to cross into Canada on that day. But judge of my surprise 
on arriving at the front on the 4th, to find that scarcely 1,000 
men had reported to the general commanding the right wing 
of the army. 

The material of war to furnish my soldiers was forwarded 
in disguised cases to the different towns on the railways lead- 
ing into Canada, such as St. Albans, Malone and Potsdam; and 
for operations on the Lakes my depots were established at 
Chicago, C eveland, Erie and Buffalo. 

The muskets were purchased at Bridesburg Arsenal, Phila- 
delphia, and the ammunition at Watervliet Arsenal, Troy. 
Calibre, .58. The United States Government, in selling thes? 
stores to my agents, was perfectly well aware of the purpose 
for which they were intended, and their willingness in allow- 
ing these sales to be made, together with the sympathy ex- 
pressed for us by individuals in eminent positions at Wash- 



DENIEFFF/S RECOLLECTIONS. 261 

ington, caused me to be totally unprepared for the treacherous 
seizure of our arms and ammunition, which rendered a suc- 
cessful movement into Canada hopeless, at that time. 

I submit the action of the Executive to the liberty-loving 
people of the United States, and I am mistaken in their char- 
acter and generous and manly sentiments, if they award their 
approval to the Government having permitted its marshals and 
other civil officials to play the role of British detectives. The 
virulent and pertinacious manner in which these duties were 
performed at Buffalo and some other points, even before orders 
were issued from Washington, has raised suspicion that the 
benign influence of the British Treasury had extended itself 
across the frontier. 

As to the U. S. Army, it was practically placed at the hands 
of the British generals, and one detachment under Lieut. Col. 
Bvt. La Rhett L. Livingston, of the 3rd Artillery, permitted 
a British force to march into United States territory, in 
oider to cut off the retreat of some stragglers left behind after 
the final evacuation. After crossing United States ground, by 
the verbal permission of this American officer, they sabred 
some of the unarmed men under his very eyes. 

I was arrested in St. Albans at midnight on the 6th of June, 
together with Colonel Mechan, my chief of staff, just as I had 
completed my arrangements to cross the frontier with my 
command at daylight the next morning. General Spear, being 
absent purchasing provisions for the troops, eluded the vigi- 
lance of the United States officers, and escaping arrest, crossed 
into Canada on the 7th in accordance with orders received 
before my arrest, and continued to keep up communications 
with me during subsequent operations, which were carried on 
under my orders. 

Previous to my arrest, I sent Mr. Roche with dispatches to 
you with instructions to place at my disposal in one of the 
New York banks for the subsistence of the troops and the pay- 
ment of transportation, a certain amount of money, to which 
I received no answer. 

Before closing this report, I beg leave to call your attention 
to the operations inaugurated on the Pacific Coast: 

On the 11th of February last, I ordered Col. P. F. Walsh 
to California, to make San Francisco his Headquarters, and 
organize a military movement in that Department. I made 
him the bearer of sealed dispatches to certain prominent 
persons there, belonging to our organization, with instructions 
to organize that contingent to act simultaneously with our 
movement east of the Rocky Mountains. They were to seize 
and occupy Victoria, in British America, from which place 
privateers could be sent out to prey upon British commerce in 
the Pacific. I received a letter from that Department, dated 
the 26th of April, and on the 30th of May sent him a dispatch 
instructing him how to act. A copy of both are herewith 
respectfully submitted. 

The immediate cause of our failure is attributable to the 



262 APPENDIX TO 

seizure of our arms and ammunition by the Government au- 
thorities; and the remote cause, to the misrepresentations 
made by the colonels of the regiments respecting their effective 
force, and their failure to report promptly when the orders 
were issued. However, our success would have been certain, 
even with the number of men that we had, if they had received 
their arms, ammunition and equipments, as reinforcements 
were coming rapidly to the front. But even this was paralyzed 
by the Government, as it took possession of the railroads 
leading to the points of rendezvous, and also the telegraph 
lines, cutting off all our supplies and means of communication, 
several of our men being turned off the cars while traveling 
as passengers without arms or equipments. 

Our officers and men behaved admirably under the trying cir- 
cumstances in which they were placed and the privations in 
many instances which they were compelled to suffer. To select 
any for special praise where all, with few exceptions, behaved 
so bravely, might seem invidious, but I cannot refrain from 
noticing the splendid manner in which Generals Spear and 
O'Neill carried out their instructions; being ably supported 
by Brigadier Generals Murphy, Mahan, Heffernan, and Colonels 
Warren, Eason, and many others whose names I cannot now 
remember. 

I must also call your attention to the valuable services 
rendered by Lieut. Col. S. R. Tresilian, Acting Chief Engineer, 
Colonel Mechan, holding that position, being arrested at the. 
same time with myself; also of Captains John Fallon and W. J. 
Hynes, of my staff, and Colonels O'Connor and Contri, and 
Captains Maguire and Lonegan. 

It is now my painful duty to say that I was compelled to 
issue special order dismissing three members of my staff: 
Brig. Gen. C. C. Tevis, Adjutant General, for disobedience of 
orders; Colonel Arundel, Chief of Ordnance, and Major Van 
Brunt, for desertion in the face of the enemy. 

I have the honor to remain, 

Yours respectfully, 

T. W. SWEENY, 
Secretary of War, F. B. 



DENIEFFE'S REC< >LLECTI< )NS. 263 

LXXIX 

AMERICAN NOTIONS OP NEUTRALITY. 

Grave reflections spring from the dangerous move into 
Canada of Roberts and Sweeny, which was not merited by 
the ridiculous tomfoolery of O'Mahony and Killian at Campo- 
bello. Among these reflections, the most obvious regard the 
role played by the American Government. 

If there be any such thing in international courtesy as 
"heaping coals of fire on an enemy's head," the performance 
has been achieved by our Government for the benefit of both 
Great Britian and her colonies. When the United States was 
in distress, and the standard of revolt raised against law, under 
the pretense of waging war — as with the Fenians in oanada — 
what did Great Britain do? Her Government rushed with 
shameful haste to declare the Union dissolved, to officially 
annonuce the rebellion as a success, and to brand the Republic 
as the "late Union," as is well known. Her flag floated hence- 
forth in honor of the insurgent victories. In her docks was 
built, equipped, armed, manned and thence sailed, every ship 
in the Confederate cruising navy. Her Armstrong guns, which 
money counld not buy except for allies, were found, free gifts, 
in Confederate earthworks. Her powder, small arms, projectiles, 
her stores, supplies and manufactures, were furtively thrust 
Into every open inlet on the Southern coast. Her Alabamas 
and Shenandoahs ruined our commerce. Crews from her 
training-ships manned the 64-pounders from her foundries over 
which rebel colors floated; and not content with that, her 
greyhounds were ready to snatch from our sailors the very 
captives they had won in fight. Before it was even asked, much 
more expected, recognition of their belligerency was profusely 
thrust on the rebels, and the pacific ally of a round half century 
was spurned in a day. 

What — now when the Irish Republic "secedes" from Great 
Britain, proclaims itself a nation, puts 50,000 troops in the 
field, attacks and carries a point of operations of the enemy's 
Goil, defeats his best volunteer troops in fair fight, and claims 
recognition as a successful belligerent — What does America do? 
Does she sneakingly complain of the inefficiency of the neu- 
trality laws, as did Lord John Russell and the whole Gov- 
ernment and press of England at his back? Does she argue 
how hard it is to be neutral, and then seek to take advantage 
of her own wrong and negligence? She puts her entire 
available army under marching orders; her cutters patrol the 
line of lake and river; her State police and militia force are 
called into requisition; her Attorney General orders his sub- 
ordinates and marshals to arrest all violators of the neutrality 
laws (an unwarrantable stretch of authority in favor of Great 
Britain); her prominent generals in propinquous districts, De- 
partments and divisions — Generals Hooker, Barry, Meade, and 



264 APPENDIX TO 

Lieutenant General Grant himself, hurry to the scene; the 
President issues a sweeping and crushing condemnation of 
Fenianism. By these acts, while the Fenians are at the flood 
of conquest, they are checked. Their rear assailed, their sup- 
plies are cut off, their troops overcome and dispersed, all their 
arms and munitions captured, and the whole campaign ended— 
all by the United States. The Canada from which we have thus 
turned the tide of invasion was the same country which had, 
within five years, a chance to show us its notions of neutrality. 
It was a base of insurgent operation. There were concocted the 
various schemes of assassinating the Chief Magistrate of the 
Union and his leading generals, and there subscriptions fbr 
paying their expenses were collected. Thence came, and thither 
escaped again, the hellish villains who tried to fire peaceful 
Northern cities, without a word of warning; beginning first 
with hotels and theatres, because most densely packed with 
men, women and children. On that very Vermont line, and 
over the self same roads where General Meade suppressed the 
great Fenian invasion, occurred the St. Albans raid, and the 
robbing of our banks and citizens by bands organized in 
Canada, winked at by Canadian constabulary, and after an 
ostentatious arrest, set free, with all their plunder, by Canadian 
Justice Counsels. 

We assume, of course, that it was the United States which 
demolished Fenianism, and not Great Britain. Canada did, 
indeed, put troops into the field, but at the first encounter they 
were whipped to pieces in two hours by an equal or lesser 
number of Fenians. The situation of Canada, after the skir- 
mish at Ridgway, was really pitiable. Colonel Booker had with 
him two full regiments of first class Canadian volunteers in 
that affair, of whom one, the Queen's Own, was well known 
to be the best, volunteer regiment in all Canada. At first 
they advanced very gallantly, but for the veteran Fenians — 
heroes of such campaigns as the Peninsula, Shiloh, Fredericks- 
burg, Chancellorsville, Spotsylvania, and Cold Harbor — the 
sputtering of a few rifles only made the blood mount. Actually 
less in number, they cleared the field of their enemies in a 
trice — and some of them will repay that infliction of disgrace, 
by a felon's death. Thenceforward little reliance was placed 
in the volunteer troops against the Fenian veterans. If the 
Queen's Own could not stand, no similar regiment could. From 
Toronto to Halifax went up cries of "Hurry along the Regu- 
lars," and "Send us Armstrong guns." That Montreal which was 
once full of maledictions and plots against "the late Union," 
was quivering with fear — was declaring it a shame for dis- 
satisfied men to rise up against a good government — and hoping 
as far as a guilty conscience would allow them to hope, for 
the interference of "the late Union" against the Irish. The 
excitement was intense when it was rumored — not without 
cause — that not even all of the Regulars could be relied on. 
As it was, there were but few regiments in the country; very 
few for so enormous a line. In one word, had America 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 265 

exhibited British neutrality in this matter, and the Fenians 
had been allowed to get arms, munitions, trains and supplies 
up to the border; had not revenue cutters with shotted guns 
swept their line of communication with the rear, Sweeny could 
have flung his columns over the border wherever he liked, 
and before Autumn turned the sterile earth of Canada as red 
with blood as the battle-ploughed soil of Virginia, — "Army and 
Navy Journal," June 16, 1866. 



266 APPENDIX TO 

LXXX 

THE INVASION OF CANADA. 

The following account of the events leading up to the 
invasion of Canada, together with a description of the strength 
of the Canadian armament, was written by Mr. William Mont- 
gomery Sweeny, eon of General Sweeny, and printed in the 
"New York Sunday News" of June 18th, 1893. 



Editor of the News: I have read with much interest Major 
Fitzpatrick's article entitled "Invading Canada" in the Sunday 
News of May 28, and beg to make a few additions. 

The plan for the invasion of Canada, was not, as some may 
suppose, gotten up to suit the exigencies of the moment; but 
was the result of many years of careful study on the part of 
Gen. T. W. Sweeny, and to which he devoted the knowledge 
of military life he had acquired in the Mexican War, among 
the Indians of the West and in the War of the Rebellion. 

As long ago as 1858, he met James Stephens, who was intro- 
duced to him as "Captain Daly," and Colonel Doheny at the 
home of the latter, to discuss the feasibility of an uprising 
in Ireland. After hearing the statement of Mr. Stephens as 
to the condition of affairs in Ireland, General Sweeny vigor- 
ously opposed making any attempt at revolution in Ireland. 
He declared that "any attempt at revolution without adequate 
military preparation and resources would be futile and dis- 
astrous." 

Shortly after the close of the Civil War, in which Sweeny 
played a conspicuous part, particularly at Shiloh, where he 
received the thanks of Gen. W. T. Sherman for having "saved 
the day," he hastened to submit his plan and offer his services 
to the Pittsburg Convention, both of which were almost unani- 
mously adopted. In an address written shortly after accepting 
the position of Secretary of War and General Commanding the 
Armies of Ireland, General Sweeny outlined the plan which was 
submitted to the convention, laying particular stress on the 
results likely to follow an uprising in Ireland. In this address 
he says: 

"The most reliable accounts from Ireland have convinced me 
that our friends there are totally unprepared with the material 
means necessary to contend, with any show of success, against 
the British troops, and that to excite an insurrection at present 
would be but to provoke a wholesale massacre, in which thou- 
sands of brave lives would be sacrificed in a useless struggle. 

"The seizure of the steamer Meteor in New York harbor on 
the mere suspicion of her being a Chilian privateer will show 
the impracticability of attempting to fit out in any United 
States port an expedition of sufficient proportions to be of 
any real assistance to our brothers in Ireland, and the capture 
during the month of January of the 21 armed Fenians who dis- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 267 




BRIG. GEN'L THOMAS W. SWEENY, U. S. A. 
Photograph taken when Captain 2nd U. S. Infantry, by Brady in 1861. 



268 APPENDIX TO 

embarked near the harbor of Sligo will prove the criminal folly 
of sending over small detachments. 

"By the examination of the letter books of the late Acting 
Adjutant General P. J. Dowling, which are submitted for your 
inspection, it will be seen that no definite plan of action had 
been adopted, but that the policy as represented by him was, 
'to wait until something should turn up.' 

"Firm in my belief that we were strong enough to make the 
opportunity, not to wait for it, I determined to act at once, and 
in that quarter where victory was most vulnerable, and where 
victory would give us the most real positive advantage; and I 
determined to attack Canada. 

"In order to project the plan of campaign, a full and accurate 
knowledge of the enemy's strength, position and resources is 
indispensable, and of this information I have been put in 
possession by the reports of my own secret agents and by those 
made by British officials to their Government. 

"The Canadian frontier, extending from the mouth of the 
St. Lawrence River to Lake Huron, a distance of more than 
1,300 miles, is assailable at all points. In some p'.aces this 
frontier is constituted by a line visible only on a map; in 
others it is a navigable inland sea; in others the bank of a 
river or the shore of a lake, and coincident with it runs the 
frontier of the United States. English writers admit its vulner- 
ability, and also admit the 'the Americans of the Northern 
States are the only enemies whom England has to fear' — and 
it is through and from these Northern States, whose sympathy 
with us and whose hostility to England is undoubted, that our 
expeditionary army must march to the invasion and conquest of 
Canada. 

"In 1862 the Duke of Newcastle, in view of the possibility 
of a rupture with the United States, addressed the following 
communication to the Canadian Government: 

" 'In the event of a war with the United States, Canada will 
naturally become a point of attack from those zealous advocates 
of increased sovereignty, which they term the "Monroe Doc- 
trine." and no body of troops which England can send to her 
American Colonies will suffice to make Canada safe, without 
the hearty concurrence of the Canadians themselves. With 
150,000 local troops, joined to what assistance the Home Gov- 
ernment can furnish, our possessions will be secure, with less, 
we shall be pent up, in our fortified towns and be destroyed 
in detail. Garrisons must be established as follows to secure 
our strongholds: Quebec, 10,000; Montreal, 30,000; Kingston, 
20,000; Ottawa, 5,000. Thirty-five thousand more will be needed 
for field operations, between Lake Ontario and Quebec, and 
with less than 60,000 more good troops our Western District 
cannot be protected.' " 

In conseauence of this recommendation a bill was intro- 
duced by the Hon. John Macdonald, empowering the Colonial 
Government to enroll 50,000 men who should be called out 
for twelve days* annual drill during three years, but so little 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 269 

interest was felt by the Parliament in the matter that the 
bill was rejected, and instead another was adopted giving to 
the Government permission to enroll all unmarried men for six 
days' annual drill. An appropriation was made in each of the 
years 1864 and 1865 to cover the necessary expenses of the 
measure, but, so far, the official reports show that less than 
10,000 men have been in attendance on the drills, out of the 
197,000 militia actually borne on the muster rolls of the two 
provinces. Within the last three years volunteer companies 
and battalions have been raised, the strength of which is, 
according to the last returns of the deputy adjutants general 
to the Governor General, Lord Monk, 25,000 men, divided into 
six mounted batteries, ten companies heavy artillery, two com- 
panies engineers, fourteen companies cavalry, fifteen companies 
infantry and eighty-two riflemen, all of whom have certified to 
the performance of twelve days' annual drill. 

"In the arsenals are stored 50,000 Enfield rifles, seven six- 
pounder field batteries, four batteries of eighteen-pounders and 
two batteries of twenty-pounder Armstrong guns, with large 
supplies of ammunition and military stores, besides a large 
number of old-fashioned brass field pieces and howitzers, not 
enumerated in the above statement. But, until warned of their 
danger by the public discussions of the last two months, there 
was not a single regiment of militia or volunters which had 
ever been assembled as a battalion, or drilled otherwise than 
by detachments. 

"Canada is divided into two military districts — the Eastern, 
under the command of Major General Lindsay, headquarters 
at Montreal; and the Western, under General Napier, head- 
quarters at Kingston. The entire force of regular troops in 
the Eastern District consists of five battalions and a half of 
infantry, three companies of engineers and five batteries of the 
Royal Artillery, in all about 4,500 men, who are distributed as 
follows: Quebec, 1,750; Montreal, 2,250; Chambly, 200; St. 
Johns, 150; Isle-au-Noix, 150. 

"Isle-au-Noix is the point nearest to the American frontier 
and is considered as the advance outpost of Montreal, but on 
the line between St. Regis and St. Johns there is no military 
post. This district extends from the Gulf to the Ottawa River, 
comprising also the section of country south of the St. Law- 
rence. 

"The Western District, extending from the Ottawa River to 
the western boundary of Canada, lies to the north of the St. 
Lawrence and the Great Lakes and is considered from its 
position, as more easily defensible than the Eastern District, 
which has no natural objects to oppose an invasion. Its gar- 
rison consists of 3,000 regular troops, composed of three and 
a half battalions of infantry, four batteries of artillery and 
two companies of engineers, which are stationed, in Kingston, 
550; Toronto, 950; Hamilton, 350; London, 700. and in Sarnia, 
Windsor, Sandwich, Niagara and Chippewa, 450. Of this dis- 
trict, Sarnia, opposite Port Huron, Sandwich and Windsor, a 



270 APPENDIX TO 

little below Detroit, and Niagara and Chippewa, on the Niagara 
River, are the outposts. 

"General Mitchell, commander-in-chief of the two districts, 
has his headquarters at Montreal, and can dispose, in addition 
to the above, of all the volunteer and militia contingents of 
both Provinces, the present fighting force of which is in Lower 
Canada: Regulars, 4,500; volunteers, 10,230; militia, 4,000; 
and in Upper Canada: Regulars, 3,000; volunteers, 14,780, 
and militia, 6,000, making a total of 18,730 in Lower Canada, 
and of 23,780 in Upper Canada, for the concentration of which 
during the summer at any given point, the enemy can use, not 
only the Grand Trunk Railroad, with its branches, but also 
(he St. Lawrence and Ottawa Rivers, the Lachine, Beauharnais, 
Rideau and Welland canals and the Great Lakes, which can be 
protected and kept open by means of gunboats. During the 
winter he is restricted to his railroad communication only. 

"The fortifications of Quebec and Kingston are the only 
ones admitted by the British military engineers to be in a good 
state of defense, and preparations have been made to 
strengthen them by earthworks and intrenched camps at Sar- 
uia, London, Stratford, Hamilton, Ottawa City, Prescott and 
Montreal. The severity of the winter, however, has inter- 
rupted their construction, which will be resumed with great 
activity as soon as the spring shall have set in. It is, there- 
fore, of vital importance to our success that we attack this 
winter, while the principal towns are comparatively defense- 
less, and when the frozen rivers will not only afford us the 
means of crossing, but will prevent the operation of the 
enemy's gunboats against us. The destruction of the Grand 
Trunk Railway will stop all his reinforcements now, but, 
should we be obliged to postpone our movement for three 
months we will need more than double of the means and 
forces now sufficient to secure our success. 

"Canada is shaped somewhat like an hour-glass; the occupa- 
tion of the line dividing its centre, near Montreal, will cut the 
provinces in two, and by isolating the Western District give us 
entire command of the enemy's line of communication and 
supplies. 

"Prom the opposition of the people of the Eastern Province 
we have nothing to apprehend. They were positively neutral 
during the invasions of 1775 and 1812, and the arrogance of 
British troops has only embittered the aversion which, as 
Frenchmen, they have always felt toward the conquerors of 
their forefathers. In Canada West the garrisons are small and 
widely separated, and even the sympathy of their friends the 
Orangemen will be of little real avail when cut off from all 
assistance from without. They must remain in their fortified 
towns, until compelled to surrender in detail, or they will be 
cut to pieces by our troops whenever they attempt to move 
cut with a view to concentrate in the field. It is impossible 
to state now precisely when and where I will commence my 
attack; the first will depend upon the means put at my dis- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 271 

posal by this Congress to arm and equip my troops; the second 
must be modified by the dispositions made by the enemy; the 
vast extent and consequent weakness of his line of defense 
offers us the choice of fifty points, and the frozen state of the 
rivers every facility for reaching them, and where he is weak- 
est and least prepared, there will I strike him first. But of 
the general features of the plan I can state this much. 

"First. By a column from Detroit to cut the Great Western 
Railroad, to menace London and prevent the concentration of 
troops from the frontier posts at that point, and to occupy 
Fort Stanley, thus securing ns a port on Lake Erie, where we 
could receive supplies and reinforcements and operate against 
British commerce on that lake. 

"Second. By a column across the Niagara River against 
Hamilton, which would hold or destroy the Welland Canal, 
thus interrupting all naval communication between Lakes 
Erie and Ontario; cut off the garrisons at Fort Erie and 
Chippewa, and prevent the expedition of troops either west- 
ward or toward Toronto. 

"Third. By a column from some point near Ogdensburgh to 
seize and hold Brockville and PrescotL and to move at once 
by the line of the Prescott and Ottawa Railroad upon Ottawa 
City, which is without fortifications and only defended by 
five companies of volunteers recruited from the Government 
clerks and employees, and known as the Civil Service Batta- 
lion. Here are the buildings and archives of the government, 
and here we shall secure a number of important personages 
who will serve as hostages for our brothers now lying in 
English jails. 

"Fourth. By a column along the line of the New York and 
Montreal Railroad in the direction of the St. Lawrence, to 
threaten Montreal and to obtain possession of the point where 
the bridge of the Grand Trunk Railroad spans the Ottawa 
River at Perrot Island. 

"Fifth. By a small expedition, which, crossing the boundary 
of the State of Maine, could destroy the Metis road and effec- 
tually stop the march of any reinforcements from Nova Scotia 
or New Brunswick in the direction of Quebec. 

"These attacks made simultaneously on the flanks and on 
the centre, will prevent the concentrating of the enemy's 
troops and will enable me to command all his lines of com- 
munication and supply, while the destruction of his railroad 
hoia them for our own use, will entirely separate tne two prov- 
inces. The country is rich and will subsist our forces until 
the reinforcements, which .1 am sure the sound of the first gun 
will bring into the field, shall have assembled. With strong 
garrisons in my rear to cover my depots and secure my com- 
munications with my base of supplies. I shall then move east- 
ward on Quebec, which, although a very formidable fortress, 
is by no means impregnable to the resources of modern artil- 
lery and engineering, provided we can attack this winter, while 
the garrison is numerically too weak to man all the works, 



zyz APPENDIX TO 

and when the arrival of reinforcements, which must be con- 
veyed from St. Johns and Halifax in sleighs over a road 
which for four days traverses the snows of the wilderness of 
New Brunswick, can be prevented by a small raid from the 
frontier of Maine. 

"Of Canada West I say but little; it will be cut off from 
outward support, and left to its own resources will soon fall 
entirely into our hands. But, with the harbor and fortress of 
Quebec in our possession, and with the revenues of the Canadas 
to pay our expenses, we can confidently look forward to the 
realization of our dreams of fitting out an expedition to the 
shores of Ireland. We shall have won glory and credit for 
our cause, and silenced the cavilings of our enemies, and we 
shall have gained the active sympathies of thousands, who 
have only hesitated so far to aid us with their praises and their 
influence because they feared that our schemes were chimerical 
and without practical solution." 

That the Canadian invasion plan was not considered as 
"chimerical and without practical solution," is evinced by an 
article written shortly after the battle of Ridgway by a recog- 
nized military authority, Colonel Church, of the Army and 
Navy Journal. It may also be interesting to note the opinion 
of the aged Hungarian patriot, Louis Kossuth, upon the sub- 
ject of securing freedom for Ireland, as expressed to a corre- 
spondent of the Pall Mall Gazette, and printed in its issue of 
May 11, 1893, to whom he expressed himself as follows: 

"It has been eaid that the situation in Ireland is comparable 
to that of Hungary, and some eminent Englishmen have asked 
my opinion in regard to that assertion. My answer is that it 
is false. The Austrians never conquered Hungary as the Eng- 
lish conquered Ireland. Hungary merely made a pact with the 
House of Hapsburg for the sake of neighborly association. 
Ireland, on the contrary, was conquered by force of arms, and 
can only be delivered by force of arms." 

Respectfully yours, 

W. M. SWEEN 
Astoria, Long Island, June 9, 1893. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 273 

LXXX1 

THE FENIAN DEMONSTRATIONS 

(Reprinted from a Dublin newspaper.) 



It is now some months since the occurence of that dis- 
ruption of the Fenian Society in America, the particular 
of which must be familiar to our readers. Since that date 
the criminations, recriminations, and mutual denunciations 
of the rival leaders have formed a curious chapter of intelli- 
gence, and we have no doubt a painful one to thousands of 
Irishmen. Judging from the facts laid before the public in 
connection with the original dispute and secession, it seemed 
pretty clear that Mr. John O'Mahony and some of his adher- 
ents had long been playing a false and hollow game towards 
the Fenian Society; but the later news exhibits these parties 
in a still more unfavorable light, and has caused them to be 
regarded with positive disgust by men who up to this time 
believed tnat the "Head Centre," however he might have 
broken his oath of fidelity to the Constitution of the Society, 
misappropriated its funds, and impeded its action, was sincere, 
at all events, in one thing — that is, hostility to the power 
of England. Recent events tend to throw doubt upon Mr. 
O'Mahony's bona fides even in this respect; they induce a 
belief that the gratification of his own vanity, the triumph 
of his own party over their rivals., are the objects he has 
nearest his heart; and that for the attainment of them he 
would not scruple to bring defeat and disaster on the heads 
of any of his countrymen who might attempt to injure England 
according to any programme but his own. 

Our readers are aware that the Senate branch of the organ- 
ization, in which are to be found the men whose integrity 
and ability were the boast of the Society, formed the plan 
of capturing Canada from England, as the surest and wisest 
way of inaugurating a war for ihe liberation of Ireland. For 
this course they showed abundant reasons, from a military 
point of view. At war with the English power in Canada, 
they could claim from the American Government recognition 
as belligerents; in the harbors of Canada they would be able 
to equip privateers for such a game against English commerce 
as the Alabama played against the commerce of America; 
at war in that country, they would be near their own base of 
supplies while their enemy would be far from his; they 
would also be near a great power whose sympathies would 
assuredly be enlisted on their side at the first glimmer of 
tuccess upon their arms; they would be near a great, free 
people who, in any event, might be glad to give them such 
practical assistance as England habitually gives to the revo- 
lutionists of other countries. Then there was a chance of 
involving America and England in war — a war which could 
hardly continue without giving liberty to Ireland, a great in- 



-74 APPENDIX TO 

crease of territory to the United States, and inflicting irrepara- 
ble injury on the trade, which is the basis of the power of 
England. 

With these and with many other arguments did they sup- 
port the policy of making their first stroke at England on 
Canadian grounds. Further, they argued that the policy of 
striking it in Ireland did not offer the faintest chance of 
success. England, being at peace with the world, could 
throw her whole force upon the neighboring island, which, of 
all places on the face of the earth, is that in which she could 
carry on hostilities with the greatest convenience to herself. 
Nowhere else could she send so large an army — nowhere 
else could she supply that army with every requisite so readily 
and so cheaply; in short, nowhere else could she fight with the 
same advantages on her side. 

"I am ready," said General Sweeney, "to fight, and, if 
need be, to die for Ireland, but it must be in connection with 
plans that ho'd out a fair chance of success. I never will 
ask my countrymen to follow me in a movement which can 
result only in their defeat. I will be no party to useless 
slaughter. Too much Irish blood has been already shed in 
vain and ill-considerd projects, and I do not wish to load 
the conscience with one drop more drawn from the rich 
fountain of the Irish heart. As a military man, I believe we 
can strike the power of England effectively in Canada; and I 
believe a movement on Ireland or a rising in Ireland would 
be a mad endeavor. If any half a dozen generals of high 
professional repute, men who have characters to lose, will 
say that an insurrection in Ireland, with such assistance as 
we could render from America, would have any chance of 
succeeding, I will embark in it; but my own military knowledge 
and experience convince me that no such men would pronounce 
such an opinion. On the other hand, I know that they con- 
sider my Canadian plans realizable, if the Irish population in 
America will but give me a fair share of support." 

In such words did General Sweeny lay his views before the 
triends of Ireland in America. The stamp of honesty and 
common sense was upon them; but they did not prove agreeable 
to Mr. O'Mahony and his party, who do not like to see them- 
selves superseded in the management of Fenian affairs — a line 
of business which they had found profitable and pleasant. 
They gave every possible opposition to the General's project; 
they denounced it at public meetings and in the press; they 
broke in with rowdyism upon the meetings which were being 
held to support it; they interrupted the speakers with shouts 
and cries; they fought among the audience, and some of their 
number got taken off to prison by the police. They put into 
circulation, from time to time, a whole flight of falsehoods 
to bolster up their own position. The fighting, they said, 
had commenced in Ireland — were they to desert their brothers 
in the field? The greater part of the army were sworn 
Fenians — were they to let that chance slip? One-half the 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 275 

British fleet might be said to belong to James Stephens — were 
they to allow it to revert to the British Government? 

These, and a number of equally veracious statements, they 
set afloat for the purpose of diverting the minds of the 
Brotherhood from the plan proposed by General Sweeny, 
and inducing them to contribute their money for the "direct 
move" favored by Mr. O'Mahony. This opposition retarded 
considerably the preparations which were being made by 
the Senate party, but did not stop them. The month of April 
came on; the time fixed by General Sweeny for the commence- 
ment of his operations drew near; everyone expected from day 
to day to hear of their initiation, when, to the great surprise 
of" the public, news arrived that the O'Mahony party them- 
selves were demonstrating along the British frontier! As- 
tonishing reports of all they were preparing to do were borne 
on the wings of the press. Mr. Doran Killian, who, it seems, 
has suddenly acquired the title of "General," was reported 
massing his men and holding a convention at Eastport, and 
a rush into New Brunswick was represented as imminent. 
Detailed accounts of his immense preparations for war were 
sent flying through the United States and into the British 
provinces. In the latter place they caused great alarm. De- 
fensive measures were hastily adopted, troops were ordered 
to the front, British gunboats were got round to the coast, 
and every step that prudence could dictate to the authorities 
in the threatened territory was taken at once. How was this 
action of the O'Mahony party to be accounted for? Had they 
united with General Sweeny? or had they determined to take 
up his plans and act on them before he could move? Thor- 
oughly as we distrust the leaders of the O'Mahony party, we 
wondered for a while whether something of this sort might 
not have been their intention; but later advice from the 
States put a different complexion on the affair. 

The organs of the Senate branch of the Brotherhood state 
that the demonstrations in question were got up by the 
O'Mahonyites for the purpose of hastening the repressive 
interference of the American Government. They knew the 
Government would interpose for the preservation of their 
neutrality if once the aspect of affairs on the border became 
serious, and they hoped to provoke this interposition in time 
to prevent the Sweeny party from crossing the frontier! They 
have, to some extent at least, succeeded in their design. The 
Government has despatched General Meade with a body of 
troops to Eastport to enforce respect for the neutrality 
laws of the States. And we read that on his arrival at East- 
port "General" Killian immediately took his departure. His 
work was done. He returned, we dare say, in high spirits to 
Union Square, and was congratulated by Colonel O'Mahony and 
Field-Marshal Stephen J. Meany on the successful accomplish- 
ment of his mission. Such is the patriotism, such is the 
Fenianism, of Mr. O'Mahony and his men. They will suffer 
no attack, if they can help it, to be made by an Irish force 



276 APPENDIX TO 

on the British power unless under their own auspices; they 
wish defeat and disaster to fall upon any body of Irishmen 
who may attempt to strike England anywhere except at the 
point which they are pleased to select, but towards which they 
make no advance whatever. Doing nothing themselves, except 
collecting money, they wish to forbid others from taking 
action more in accordance with the threats and the promises 
which the Fenian Society has for years been giving utterance. 
It is not Fenians and Fenian sympathizers only who will 
feel ashamed of those ridiculous and disgraceful proceedings. 
Men who do not believe that either "wing" or both "wings" 
of the Fenian Society could, unaided, wage a successful war 
against England in any part of the world, feel conscious 
that as Irishmen they are touched by the exhibition of such 
narrow-mindedness, such stupidity, such meanness on the part 
of a body of their countrymen. The Fenian war projects, Irish 
and Canadian, might be wild and desperate, and from that 
point of view unjustifiable; yet they be so conducted as to 
bring on the Irish name no ether charge than that of a hos- 
tility to England so fierce, so impetuous, as to overbear all 
the calculations of ordinary prudence, a hatred so intense 
as to send Irishmen surging up against her serried ranks 
under circumstances which would insure their own destruction 
rather than her punishment. Far different is the sort of 
repute which Mr. O'Mahony and his followers are, to the full 
extent of their power, acquiring for the Irish character. It is 
neither that of bravery, nor honesty, nor wisdom. We 
forbear to write the words by which it would be most ac- 
curately described. 



LXXXII 

Richmond, Va., Box 1109, February 19, 1867. 
Mr. M. Moynahan: 

Dear Sir: I once more decline, for the reasons already ex- 
plained to you, to participate in the Fenian movement as at 
present organized, or rather disorganized. I disbelieve in the 
existence of any fighting in Ireland, and in the possibility of 
making any fight there while England continues at peace. 
This has been my opinion for many years. I have never yet 
joined in any appeal to my countrymen in America to con- 
tribute their money towards any such premature and impossi- 
ble attempt. It is but wasting their means and, what is worse, 
it is wasting and rising up their patriotic enthusiasm and de- 
stroying their trust in the faith of man. 

I do not wish either your branch of the organization or that 
of Mr. Roberts to use my name in any manner whatever. 
Respectfully yours, 

JOHN MITCHEL. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 277 

LXXXIII 

Richmond, Va., Box 1109, November 17, 1868. 
Mr. M. Moynahan: 

Dear Sir: I have received yours of the 14th. In reply I can 
only say that I had fully considered the matter before the 
conversation which I had with you in New York, and I cannot 
perceive that any duty calls me, in the present circumstances, 
to put myself forward in such a manner as would be inter- 
preted, and truly interpreted, to be a renewed appeal to our 
countrymen at this side the Atlantic to contribute their money 
for promoting an insurrection in Ireland. I consider now, as 
I did before, that while England remains at peace — and while 
all hope of effectual aid from this side is now out of the ques- 
tion — an insurrection must end disastrously. This opinion of 
mine I cannot help — it is formed upon such information as I 
have been able to procure — and, such being my opinion, n. 
would not be conscientious on my part to aid in keeping up 
the excited expectation of immediate and decisive action. 

Mr. Stephens, of course, knows what his resources are better 
than I do; yet even he may be partly deceiving himself, as men 
of sanguine temperament are so apt to do. What is more, I 
do believe that he does deceive himself in supposing that ha 
has at his command for real and desperate action any such 
mass of men in Ireland as would give the enemy serious 
trouble. 

It was needless to explain to me that Mr. Stephens was mis- 
reported at Philadelphia. Even if his words had been exactly 
as they were printed there was nothing in them offensive to 
me. But the incident showed me the necessity of making a 
kind of general statement as to what I had done with the 
funds intrusted to me. I never supposed for a moment that 
he had meant to understate the amount received through me, 
which very probably he had kept no account of — and as to its 
expenditure after it came to his hands, that was a matter of 
which he was the sole judge — nor have I ever said to any one 
that I thought it had been improperly expended. 

In short, nothing of which I am yet aware would justify me 
in imputing blame to Mr. Stephens. But, with my present 
views and convictions, I cannot aid him in any way. 
Truly yours, 

JOHN MITCHEL. 



278 APPENDIX TO 

LXXXIV 

This letter was written by Col. Thomas Kelly while he was 
acting chief executive of the Irish Republican Brotherhood in 
Ireland in 1867. It was addressed to General Halpin. 



19 Grantham Street, Dublin, March 12, 1867. 

My Dear General: — I owe you an apology for not having writ- 
ten you specially until now; but \ know that you maKe full 
allowance for the circumstances under which I have been 
obliged to act until lately. Little Baldy has at last given up 
the ghost, and acknowledged that if he came to Ireland the 
people would be certain to make short work of him. The 
rascal is in Paris, taking his ease with his wife, while the des- 
tiny of Ireland is in the balance. The money he squeezed 
from the men of New York, through you and others, under pre- 
tence that it was necessary "to procure a boat," he coolly 
pockets, together with the proceeds of the "Hopper drafts" 
(which I am almost certain have been drawn), he now uses to 
take his ease in Paris, where he denounces the Irish-Ameri- 
cans as "dogs, dung and devil's scum." Mur. and Cos. have 
left him in complete disgust, recognizing in him the most per- 
fect sample of a renegade and traitor to a great cause. When 
M. denounces him as an accomplished swindler, just think, 
how basely he must have acted toward him. When I heard 
that you accompanied him to Sandy Hook I was at first disap- 
pointed, but the latest news confirms the fullest confidence 1 
had in your devotion to the Republican doctrine as contra- 
distinguished from the notorious "one-man power." 1 now 
state authoritatively that St. is repudiated and denounced by 
the entire home organization. Look out for any future vindi- 
cations of himself which he may offer to an American public. 

I do wish you could be in Tipperary just now. I will be 
plain with you. A mistake was at first made by the officer 
having the disposition of the forces in that locality, as well as 
in other parts. He, however, has now to suffer for mistakes, 
or rather violations of orders, and the less said about the mat- 
ter the better. However, notwithstanding anything that may 
be said to the contrary by the enemy's press, the work is being 
tarried out according to instructions, and if the people do not 
fight any big battles, depend upon it, it is all owing to the 
faith that has been instilled into them as to what they might 
expect from America. At the worst the flag will be kept flying 
another month, and if by that time America shall not have 
done its duty the name of Irishmen deservedly should be 
hooted at with scorn. Work heaven and earth. The flag is 
flying! Good God! will people any longer say they will give 
this or that when they see a blow struck? Are those of us 
who hold everything at stake any longer to be guarded against 
as swindlers. It is better for the Irishman who does not now 



bENlEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 279 

throw in all he has got. or himself, that he never was born. 
He is a renegade — an imposter— a traitor, show him no quarter. 
Let the names be published. When I think of the ponderous 
immense work that has been done on £1,500 I have no word 
of patience for the rich Irish-Americans who have refused us 
aid. Make them contribute largely now, or let them be forever 
marked. 1 do believe that with £5,000 to begin with instead 
of what I had the work of upsetting the British power would 
be as simple as rolling off a log. 

I am almost out of mind to know what could have been 
done with a little more money, and which was obliged to be 
left undone. Yet, if the means arrive in time, it is not yet, 
perhaps, too late. We now begin to realize fully the madness 
of Macle's attack on Chester. But for that unfortunate affair 
we would have been in a position completely to surprise the 
government. It was undertaken against the positive wish of 
the Provisional Government; and no matter what may be said 
in its favor, it was nothing short of an attempt on the part of 
that individual to make an individual reputation. When done 
legitimately, this is well enough; but when he undertook to 
force his ideas on every officer who came over here, and when 
they all repudiated his plans and the authority which he 
endeavored to force upon them, it was, to use the mildest 
expression, unpatriotic in the extreme. However, he is now in 
durance, and we must look upon the fiasco, however much 
injury it may have done, as in the mildest possible light. 

A council of at least three ought to be in session in Paris 
or Brussels. If I had the advice of such a body now it would 
be of incalculable benefit. Have your three best men sent 
at once. We will give them ministerial powers to treat with 
foreign governments. They should, of course, be men of the 
highest possible attainments. 

You should at once have new bond plates engraved, or the 
old plates will answer with your name, or that of the party 
appointed by a general congress as American financial agent, 
instead of the name of John O'Mahony; or if John O'Mahony 
was appointed to that position the present bonds would answer 
but not the old series. Authority is hereby given to a general 
American congress to bind the Irish Republic in sums not less 
tnan ten dollars and to any individual (in one bond) to ten 
thousand dollars. I will at once forward addresses to which 
communications can be safely sent for me. M. M. will know 
how to find out those addresses. Mind the brackets. 

In fine, don't mind newspaper reports. It is war to the knife. 
Only send us the knife. I am a man of my word. Never 
cease until you hear I am dead. The flag is flying. Proclaim 
war to the knife. (Remember me to Maclntyre!) The Brit- 
ishers propose now to hang our Irish-American officers. 
Already I see that a charge of treason is to be preferred against 
all our men captured. Hanging is said to be too good for 
Irishmen who left their homes to learn the use of arms! For 
God's sake send us the knife! 



2 8o APPENDIX TO 

We will win with anything in our hands. Curses on the 
recreant American-Irish, those whose ambition it is to be citi- 
zens of a country, which scorns them at home and repudiates 
their claims to citizenship abroad. Let man, woman and child 
rally round the green flag while one man is in the field. If I 
could only transport two thousand Poles to Ireland they are at 
our service, and yet Irishmen remain cool-blooded, sneaking 
and looking for Irish news in American cities! Damn such 
men, who don't sell all but the clothes on their backs for 
dear old Ireland! Where now are the men who promised me 
they would give their five, ten, twenty, fifty and hundred, thou- 
sand dollar subscriptions. Remember what I said in America! 
Mark every Irishman who refuses! Give the fullest credit to 
every man who behaves well now in the day of our trial. It 
is almost post time and I must close. 

Regards to M. M., P. O'K., O'S and the F. B. 
Faithfully and fraternally, 

THOMAS KELLY, Acting C. E. 1. R. 



DENIEEFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 



281 



LXXXV 
SKETCH OF GEN. KERWIN'S MILITARY CAREER. 

The following is taken from "Bates' Martial Deeds of Penn- 
sylvania." 

Michael Kerwin, Colonel of the Thirteenth Pennsylvania 
Cavalry, was born on the 15th of August, 1837, in the County 
of Wexford, Ireland, from which place his family emigrated 
during his early boyhood to America. He was educated in a 
private academy in the City of Philadelphia, and in early youth 




GENERAL MICHAEL KERWIN. 

learned the business of a lithographic printer. Of a studious 
turn of mind, he early acquired a good fund of general in- 
formation. He was a member for several years of a volunteer 
militia company, in which he attained considerable knowl- 
edge of military organization and duty. 

Three days after the call for troops, in April, 1861, he vol- 
unteered as a private in the Twenty-fourth Regiment for three 
months' service. This organization formed part of Patter- 
son's Army, with which he advanced into Virginia. Before 
crossing the Potomac, where it was known the enemy was 



282 APPENDIX TO 

present in considerable force, it became very important to the 
Union leader that he should know what troops he would have 
to meet. Some valuable soldier was sought, who would enter 
the rebel lines and gather the desired information. For this 
dangerous and important duty Kerwin volunteered his services. 
Full well he knew that, should he be discovered, death await- 
ed him. But he was not of the temper to hesitate when 
called for any duty which his country might demand. Adopt- 
ing the necessary disguise he crossed the Potomac river, went 
freely through the enemy's camps, which he found near Mar- 
tinsburg, and after making an estimate of the number of 
men and guns and outlines of fortifications, returned and re- 
ported to General Negley, then in command of the brigade to 
which he belonged. 

The successful manner in which this duty was performed, 
and the judgment and daring which he displayed in exe- 
cuting it, marked him as worthy of a better rank than that 
of bearing a musket. 

In September, 1861, after having been discharged at the 
expiration of his first term, he was commissioned captain in 
the Thirteenth Cavalry, and in July following was promoted 
to Major. During the 12th, 13th, 14th and 15th days of June, 
1863, when Melroy's little force, in which the Thirteenth was 
serving, was confronted and finally routed by the advance of 
Lee's entire army, Major Kerwin, at the head of his regiment, 
rendered important service, having frequent conflicts with 
the over-confident rebel horse. After leaving the valley, the 
regiment was attached to the Army of the Potomac, when 
Major Kerwin was promoted to Colonel and took command 
of the regiment. 

On the 12th day of October, 1863, while on the advance 
picket line near White Sulphur Springs, Va., he was attacked 
by a heavy force of the rebel army, Lee seeking by a sudden 
movement to turn the Union right. Colonel Kerwin with his 
own regiment in connection with the Fourth Cavalry, com- 
bated the head of Elwell's columns for six long Hours, giving 
time for Meade to recross the Rappahannock and get his 
army into position to checkmate the wily scheme of the rebel 
chieftain. Gallantly was this duty executed, but at the sacri- 
fice of these two noble .commands, large numbers of both being 
killed, wounded and taken prisoners. 

During the year 1861, Colonel Kerwin led his force with 
Sheridan in his operations with the Army of the Potomac, 
for a time being in command of the Second Brigade of Gregg's 
Division. In February, 1865, he went with his regiment from 
before Petersburg to City Point, where he proceeded by trans- 
port to Wilmington, North Carolina, to meet Sherman, who 
was marching up from Georgia. On joining the grand column 
at Fayetteville, Colonel Kerwin was assigned to the command 
of the Third Brigade of Kilpatrick's Division. 

After the surrender of Johnstown, Colonel Kerwin was or- 
dered to Fayetteville with his regiment, and placed In Com- 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 283 

mand of the Post. He had seven counties under his control, 
and managed the affairs of his department with singular skill 
and ability. After the conclusion of hostilities he returned 
to Philadelphia, where, near the close of July, 1865, he was 
mustered out of service, having been on duty continuously 
from opening to the conclusion of the war. 

NOTE. — General Michael Kerwin was one of the bravest 
and most skillful officers sent from America to Ireland in 1865. 
He served with distinction in the War of the Rebellion, rising 
to the rank of Brigadier-General. When he was mustered 
out he immediately went to Ireland, commissioned by John 
O'Mahony to James Stephens, Chief Organizer of the Irish 
Revolutionary Brotherhood. While in Ireland, he was arrested 
and detained in prison many months. On his return to this 
country he continued active in the Irish cause and even to 
this day is prominent in its councils. For many years he 
was connected with the New York Post Office, was Collector 
of Internal Revenue for the Second District of New York, 
Police Commissioner of the City of New York and is at 
present occupying the responsible position of Pension Agent 
for New York, having succeeded Gen. Franz Siegel in that 
office. Gen. Kerwin was also editor and publisher of the New 
York Tablet, and is the author of many valuable papers on 
Ireland and America. 



284 APPENDIX TO 

LXXXVI 
GEN. DENIS F. BURKE. 

The following sketch of the life of Gen. Burke is taken from 
"Powell's Army and Navy." 

Brevet Brigadier General Denis F. Burke was born in Ire- 
land in 1841, and emigrated to the United States in 1856. He 
was engaged in the dry goods business in the house of A. T. 
Stewart & Co., and H. B. Claflin & Co., New York city. 

When Fort Sumpter was fired upon he enlisted in the Sixty- 
ninth Militia, in the company commanded by Capt. Thos. F. 
Meagher, subsequently organizer and commander of the Irish 
Brigade. The Sixty-ninth Militia was called into the service of 
the United States for ninety days. He participated with his 
regiment in the battles of Blackburn's Ford and the first 
Bull Run, returning with it to New York when their time ex- 
pired. Immediately after, Ge/neral Meagher organized the 
three New York regiments of his famous brigade, viz: Sixty- 
third, Sixty-ninth and Eighty-eighth New York Volunteers. 

General Burke was commissioned second lieutenant in the 
Eighty-eighth Regiment and was with it from Fair Oaks to 
Appomattox Court House, never missing a battle in which his 
regiment or brigade enjoyed participation during the entire 
war. He enjoyed the privilge of being the only officer of the 
Irish Brigade who went out with it in 1861 and remained until 
the close of the war. 

The casualties among the officers of the brigade were very 
heavy. He was promoted first lieutenant at the battle of 
Malvern Hill, and adjutant of his regiment at Hamson's Land- 
ing, and at Antietam was promoted to the rank of captain for 
distinguished conduct. 

He was severely wounded at Fredericksburg, Virginia, 
December 13, 1862, when the company (C) he commanded was 
almost annihilated. He returned to duty in time for the 
battle of Chancellorsville, where he was again wounded. 

After this battle his regiment, on account of its terrible 
losses, was consolidated into a battalion, and he was placed in 
command. 

He was at Gettysburg and received commendation on the 
battlefield from General Hancock for his conduct. 

Dtiring General Meade's retrograde movement from Rapidan 
to Centreville, Burke commanded the flankers of the Second 
Brigade, First Division, Second Corps, and was the first 
to discover the enemy's position near Bristoe Station, and to 
report the facts to General Warren, then commanding the 
Second Corps, receiving from that officer high praise. 

After the Mine Run campaign the three New York regiments 
re»-enlisted and were 6erit back to recruit. The regiments were 
fully recruited, and Burke came back lieutenant colonel of 
the regiment. 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 285 

He was in the Battle of the Wilderness, Todd's Tavern, and 
Spottsylvania, May 5, 1864. His regiment was one of the first 
to cross the earthworks at the "bloody angle" on the morning 
of May 12. He was at Cold Harbor June 3, and at Petersburg 
June 17, 1864. 

While in command of the Irish Brigade on October 29, 1864, 
at Fort Sedgwick, General Burke was ordered to attack the 
enemy's line at night. This he did with great success, calling 
from Gen. N. A. Miles, commanding First Division, Second 
Corps, the following recommendation to General Hancock: 

"That Lieut. Col. Denis F. Burke, Eighty-eighth Regiment, 
New York Veteran Volunteers, receive the rank of brevet 
colonel for gallantry in action October 29, 1864. Co:onel 
Burke, with a party of one hundred men, attacked and captured 
a portion of the enemy's line opposite Fort Sedgwick, taking 
some prisoners and holding the line until ordered to withdraw." 

Burke was subsequently commissioned colonel of his regi- 
ment, and took part in all the battles during the siege of 
Petersburg. 

He was several times complimented by General Hancock, 
and previous to his departure from the Second Corps to take 
command at Washington, General Hancock recommended 
Burke for the brevet of brigadier general, which he received 
after the surrender of Lee. 

General Hancock's opinion of Burke: "I can state that he 
was a gallant and faithful officer who rose from the ranks to 
the colonelcy by his good conduct and services in the field. 

"He received his brevet of brigadier general of volunteers 
upon my recommendation for gallant and meritorious services 
during the campaign of 1864." 

After the close of the war General Burke returned with his 
command to New York, and again engaged in mercantile life. 

He was subsequently appointed assistant appraiser of mer- 
chandise at the port of New York. 

Note. — Brig. Gen. Denis F. Burke was one of those men 
who distinguished himself alike in the service of Ireland and 
America. He was noted for his bravery as a soldier and his 
skill as a commanding officer, while from the opening to the 
closing of his eventful career he was always devoted to tne 
interest of his native land, and suffered imprisonment in its 
cause. After his return from Ireland he published the New 
York Emerald, an illustrated Irish wee'ly of much merit, 
and was connected with Gen. M. Kerwin in the publication of 
the New York Tablet. He died in New York in 1896. 



286 APPENDIX TO 

LXXXVI1 

CORK AND THE '67 RISING. 

Interesting Recollections of a Famous Episode. 



Mr. J. F. X. O'Brien, M. P., when presiding over the Man- 
chester Martyrs' Anniversary Demonstration in London, on 
November 23, 1904, told his reminiscences of the Rising in 
Cork on March 6, 1867, and his meeting with Michael O'Brien, 
one of the "Manchester Martyrs:" Mr. O'Brien said: 

"It was my fortune on the sixth of March, 1867, to meet one 
of the 'noble-hearted Three' — Michael O'Brien. Perhaps it 
would interest you to learn under what circumstances 1 met 
him. In 1849 I was in the movement organized by Fintan Lalor, 
and had to leave Ireland to avoid arrest. Later I went to Nic- 
aragua in Central America, hoping to acquire some military ex- 
perience, and I met James Stephens in New Orleans, where I 
was a member of a Branch of the I. R. B. 

"In '62 I returned to Ireland, and there joined the organiza- 
tion of the I. R. B. at Cork, and to make a long story short, 
when Stephens sent to Cork the order for the '67 Rising I was 
one of those called upon to vote for or against the Rising. 
The responsibility was very grave. It had been given out that 
depots of arms had been provided at certain places — Mallow, 
Limerick Junction, etc. But judging by what I had seen and 
heard, I distrusted these rumors, and I could not agree to send- 
ing unarmed men to be slaughtered. So I voted against the 
Rising, but I submitted to the ruling of the majority, and I 
need hardly tell you I was 'there' on the eventful day. It is a 
painful thing to say, but years after I learned that men who 
had voted for the Rising did not themselves turn out. The 
party I joined at our rendezvous numbered some 1,500 or 2,000. 
I gathered that altogether about 5,000 left Cork that night, two 
other parties going by other roads. Of our body, about a 
dozen had pikes of a poor sort, two had shotguns, one a small 
rifle, five, myself among the rest, had revolvers. That was our 
armament. I met Captain MacKey^ and learned that of the two 
men appointed to command, one had been arrested, and the 
other was not to be found. I was told he proved to be a bad 
scamp. I urged Mackey, who was even then very well known, 
that he should take command, but he declined. 

"I then met Michael O'Brien, and pressed him also to take 
command, but he, too, declined. Apparently, he did not feel 
justified in accepting tbe responsibility, though I need not tell 
you how he proved the stuff he was made of at Manchester. 
Eventually, I took charge of a few hundred men, and tried to 
organize them. We were soon stepping out bravely to a march- 
ing tune, sung or whistled as we went along, and our spirits 
rose rapidly. When we approached Ballyknocken, it was de- 
cided that Mackey, with fifty men, should visit the police 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 287 

barrack. Some of them were only boys of sixteen and seven- 
teen years of age. One young fellow carried a knapsack which 
belonged to me. I mention it in order to illustrate the power 
of police swearing, for they swore that they were attacked 
by one hundred and fifty men, each carrying a rifle and knap- 
sack (laughter). On arrival at the police barrack, we told the 
police to send out the women and children, which was done. 
We then set fire to the building. Remember, we were unarmed 
— and with their rifles the police might easily have repulsed us. 

"After a while the stairs were burned, and the floor the 
police were standing on was on Are, and the police seeing the 
priest on the road, called to him, and asked him his advice. 
He asked 'Have you done your best?' and they answered 
that they had. 'Well, then, my men,' said he, 'you are not 
bound to lay down lives,' and they promptly surrendered. A 
ladder was then laid against the window to let them down. 
They were to hand us their arms and ammunition first, which 
was a proper precaution in the circumstances, but the first 
man, forgetting this, was coming down rifle in hand. This 
being observed by the man who carried our one rifle, he let 
fly at the policeman from the road, and with good effect, for he 
cut the chin-strap close to the policeman's ear. Of course 
he yelled, and I ordered the firing to cease. 

"The police now immediately remembered their conditions, 
and handed down their rifles, and came down themselves. In 
addition to the fifty men, who I mentioned took part in the 
attack, one or two hundred now came up to see what was going 
on, and they got the idea the credit was due to me, for they 
now addressed me as Colonel O'Brien. Some of the policemen 
were willing to join us after the surrender, but I would not 
allow it. I saw that the thing was a forlorn hope, and that 
we could do nothing, and I did not want these men to ruin 
their lives. Some of our own men wanted to take them 
prisoners, but this also I would not have, as it would be 
giving the police opportunities for recognizing numbers of 
our men. 

"Truly, this is not a cheerful tale, but the wonder of it is — ■ 
and it is almost miraculous — that the story of Ireland for 
more than 700 years has been a terrible list of disasters, 
with occasional brilliant successes, and yet we have never 
given up the fight. Scarcely a generation rises up in that 
ancient land but it nourishes new hopes, forever declining 
to accept as final, or to be disheartened, by the disasters of 
the past. This is a wonderful, a really grand thing to con- 
template. No other race of men in this world can show 
such a record. Situated as Ireland is, our people should ever 
be as ready — as were the men whose martyrdom we com- 
memorate to-night, to fling their lives away, if necessary, 
for the salvation of our country. 

"If this were so, and known to all, it would, most likely, 
never more be necessary to make a great sacrifice. Upon 
this I would like to make one remark: Men ready to take 



288 APPENDIX TO 

up such a position, should always keep themselves ready 
to face the hereafter, and so., 

'Righteous men should make our land 
A Nation once again.' 

The 5,000 young men who went out unarmed from the City 
of Cork on the 6th of March, '67, gave an extraordinary proof 
of courage. Nothing I have ever read has given me a higher 
idea of an indomitable spirit. What could such men do and 
dare if only trained, armed and well led." 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 289 

LXXXVIII 

A writer in the "Westminster Review" said "England never 
legislated for Ireland except under the influence of fear; Fe- 
nianism disestablished the Irish Church; Whiteboyism is un- 
effected Title Reform; the Clerkenwell Explosions (we have 
Mr. Gladstone's own authority for saying) brought about the 
Land Bill and Dynamite has brought Home Rule within the 
scope of Practical Politics." 

The series of explosions which so affected Parliamentary 
opinion in England occurred on the following dates: 

1881. 

Jan 14, Explosion at the Military Barracks, Salford. 

March 16, Attempted explosion at the Mansion House, Lon- 
don. 

May 5, Explosion at Militia Barracks, Chester. 

May 16, Explosion at Police Station, Hatton Garden, Liver- 
pool. 

June 10, Explosion at the Town Hall, Liverpool. 

1883. 

Jan. 20, Explosion at Buchanan St. Railway Station, Glasgow. 

Jan. 20, Explosion at Gasometer, Irdeston, Glasgow. 

Jan. 20, Explosion at Canal Bridge, Glasgow. 

March 15, Explosion at Local Government Board Offices, 
Whitehall, London. 

March 15, Attempted Explosion "Times" Office, London. 

Nov. 30. Explosion at Praed Street Station, London. 

Nov. 30, Explosion between Westminister Bridge and Char- 
ing Cross Railway Station, London. 

1884. 

Feb. 25, Attempted Explosion at Charing Cross Railway 
Station, London. 

Feb. 25, Attempted Explosion at Paddington Railway Sta- 
tion, London. 

Feb. 25, Attempted Explosion at Ludgate Hill Railway Sta- 
tion, London. 

Feb. 26, Explosion at Victoria Railway Station, London. 

May 30, Explosion at Scotland Yard, London. 

May 30, Explosion at Junior Carlton Club, London. 

May 30, Explosion at Residence of Sir Watkym Wynn, Lon- 
don. 

May 30, Attempted Explosion in Trafalgar Square, London. 

Dec. 13, Explosion at London Bridge. 

1885. 

Jan. 2, Explosion between Gower St. and Kings Cross on 
Underground Railway, London. 

Jan. 24, Explosion at Westminister Hall. London. 

Jan. 24, Explosion at the House of Commons, London. 

Jan. 24, Explosion at the Tower of London. 



290 APPENDIX TO 

LXXXIX 

The two following letters in the handwriting of John Boyle 
O'Reilly, editor of the Boston Pilot., addressed to O'Donovan 
Rossa, are interesting in showing the kindly spirit of the man 
and the high esteem in which he held Rossa. His determina- 
tion to criticize Irish speakers, giving praise or blame as he 
considered it deserved, was evidently something that had not 
usually been done before. 



OFFICE OF THE PILOT. 

Boston, September 14, 1871. 
My Dear Rossa: — 

Thank you for writing so long a letter to me when I know 
you are so busy. I've been angry all morning about this same 
charitable affair of the two "Homes." There's a mess and a 
mixture, and I'm glad you said you couldn't come. Let me try 
to tell you what 1 understand about it from Donahoe. First, 
the Home Directors in Boston had not been consulted when 
Donahoe telegraphed to you. He took it for granted that they 
would be agreeable to anything he proposed. Now it appears 
i hat they had partly engaged a lecturer, Hon. Wm. Parsons, I 
think, for November to speak for the benefit of the Home; 
and when Donahoe put forward his idea of having a reading, 
half the proceeds from which should go to Ireland, the "charit- 
able" directors reared up and became unruly. So Donahoe was 
frightened, and let them have their own way. He thought that 
if you came he could secure as much for the Boston Home as 
the other entertainment could. And so it is best let them have 
their lecture and all the profits this time; and when that is 
over we shall get up a better one for the Kantwell Home, if 
Mrs. Rossa will only rest assured that this result was entirely 
unlooked for, and that all her friends here are sincerely anxious 
to welcome her again to New England. 

Now, as to your objections against a visit to Boston, I'm 
devilish glad you hate public speaking; I do, and I wish more 
men did. I mean to alter it, too — if I can. Formerly the men 
who spoke to Irish audiences spoke nonsense or worse, and 
it was praised. Nobody ever dreamt of criticizing an Irish 
speech. I'll do it. I'll attend every Irish lecture in Boston; 
and I'll praise or blame impartially. I've made one thing a 
specialty — to fight this confounded praise of everything Irish 
and hated of everything un-Irish, and try to induce other men 
to do the same. We must criticize our own people, Rossa, if 
we want to raise them. They will not bear criticism from out- 
siders, which is thrown to them as a bone might be to a dog — 
not offered them as from a man to his fellow-man with a good 
intent. I'm afraid that confounded Tammany will make them 
suspect your honest when you talk, and, if so, I'll be sorry, for 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 29] 

I know you will speak the truth. I saw the Star. It's a mean 
paper, Rossa, a mighty mean paper — on a par with the Irish 
Democrat, which this morning nearly gave me the cholera. 
Oh! damn those fellows. 

I'm sorry if I wronged O'Leary; but he gave me that im- 
pression. Truly, after I wrote that letter to you I felt that I 
had wronged him, and that it was my own ill-temper that 
made me feel so badly. Serves you right about your "Prison 
Life;" you don't deserve a cent. I told Donahoe this morning, 
and he said: "If he had offered it to me in the first place I 
certainly would have taken it." As it is 1 I think the really 
interesting part is just commencing, and the part with the least 
objectionable matter for The Pilot. The "Prison Life" could 
be made an entire thing, and when finished the whole made 
into a book. If you break with the others, or before you do, 
write to Donahoe and offer it to him. Write and tell me same 
mail, and don't put your "official" envelope on that letter for 
me. I'll manage the matter if it can be done. Depend on it, 
when we get rid of our present, I'll make Donahoe offer you 
the N. Y. correspondentship which you can take or refuse at 
will. What a devil of a long letter this is! 

Don't you be afraid that I will hesitate to pitch into you 
if you get out of the straight tracks. Man alive, there's a sort 
of heroism in pitching into a friend. When I do it I feel so 
like the Galway judge, who hung his own son, that I'm sorely 
tempted to be always doing a little that way. Dominus Vobis- 
cum. Writing for The Pilot is next thing to Holy Orders, and 
it has brqught me near matrimony — that's an after-thought — 
mighty good one. Faithfully, 

J. BOYLE O'REILLY. 



XC. 

THE PILOT OFFICE. 

No. 19 Franklin Street. 

Patrick Donahoe, Proprietor. 

Boston, September 27, 1871. 
My Dear Rossa: — 

I enclose you a ticket for admission to the New Home in 
Boston, at Donahoe's request; and I personally hope it will do 
you a great deal of good — which it must, if you receive it in the 
proper spirit. 

(That's a nice paragraph— meaning nothing at all.) 
Now listen, or rather read attentively, and when you have 
read, sit down and write an answer by telegram; address it to 
Patrick Donahoe. (That's a mighty good name on a bill.) 



292 APPENDIX TO 

Can you lecture in Boston for the Home on Tuesday, Octo- 
ber 17, for $100, or can you not? There now, none of your 
quibbling. Out with it. Can you come? If you can't, you'll 
get hell in The Pilot; and we never want to hear anything 
more about you — at least I don't. If you don't come you're 
kicking $100 in the mud, and if you had a due regard for your 
offspring you wouldn't do it. (By the way, you're an indus- 
trious fellow.). 

Seriously, try and come: make arrangements in Lowell, Law- 
rence, and two or three places around, and you'll make piles 
of money. Besides, Mrs. O'Reilly (that is to be) is just crazy 
to see you, and she's the very nicest girl in New England. 
Rossa, that in itself should bring you along. Besides, again, 
coming under the auspices of The Pilot, I won't criticize you 
too hard. If you refuse to come, I'll follow you like a sleuth 
hound wherever you go to talk and give you 

Now, let me tell you, this letter is all my own. But Donahoe 
wants you to come; it is a personal favor to him, and you'li 
meet friends. I tell you, Rossa, that little girl is crazy about 
you; she never was in Ireland, and s"he thinks you're a good 
deal of ruffian, a philosopher, and a bull. That's a gentle 
compliment for you, now. Telegraph "yes" at once. 

JOHN BOYLE O'REILLY. 



XCI. 

The following letter (we withhold the name of the writer) 
found among Rossa's papers would seem to indicate that a 
turbulent meeting held at the Rotunda and not the loss of the 
Meehan papers attracted the attention of the government to 
the I. R. B. and their organ, the "Irish People." 

It is probable the raid on the newspaper office and the ac- 
companying arrests were the result of a series, or combination, 
of events which taken together tended to bring the movement 
under the notice of the authorities. 



508 Wabash Ave., Chicago, April 15, 1903. 

Dear Rossa:— Here is the letter of T. D. S., which P. W. 
Dunne read with interest. He was puzzled as to how the author 
of "God Save Ireland" got the brief for your defence. I was 
not puzzled, as Lawless held the Nation men in high esteem, 
as did also Isaac Butt. The latter defended A. M. Sullivan at 
Wicklow in the celebrated case, White versus "The Nation- 
White, you know, was the coroner who concealed the govern- 
ment murders in the Dublin Prisons. A. M. was inspired in re- 
lation to them by an official whose name I must conceal. White's 



DENIEFFE'S RECOLLECTIONS. 293 

infamy was exposed in the Nation on which he based an action 
for libel which was tried by an Orange jury. The trial was 
rich in episodes. The encounters between Butt and brutal 
Armstrong, and between the latter and A. M. Sullivan would 
prove a fascinating page in Ireland's history. Isaac tran- 
scended himself in the defence and triumphed in the verdict, 
and although Wicklow was not in his circuit he declined to 
take the fee that John Scallan tendered to him as A. M.'s 
solicitor. God have mercy on Butt who incarnated all the 
noble instincts and the vices of the Gael. 

Do you remember, Rossa, the Rotunda fracas in '64? I see 
you now through the haze of time bursting through the north- 
ern door and leading a host of brave but misguided rebels that 
stormed the meeting to prevent the Dublin loyalists from in- 
sulting lush sentiment by granting in College Green a site for 
the statue of the hated Albert. But for the heroic efforts of 
A. M. Sullivan that historic spot would not now be graced by 
that glorious masterpiece of Foley, the statue of the immortal 
Grattan. God forgive Stephens for his inspiration and agency 
in that unfortunate incident, which concentered the eyes of 
Dublin Castle upon the seat and center of Irish revolution in 
Parliament street. That row was a suicidal and calamitous 
check to the secret propaganda for national liberty, causing 
the death of "The Irish People" (which was a fatal adven- 
ture) followed by the capture, imprisonment and exile of a 
noble and heroic host of patriots, few of whom, alas! survive 
to-day. I must cease, for I'm not in spirit to dwell on such a 
painful retrospect. 

Your friend., 






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